Abhas Verma's Blog, page 2
February 16, 2016
Shivaji���s Letter to Jai Singh
Shivaji���s Letter to Jai Singh
Shivaji���s letter to Jaisingh.
1. O Sardar of Sardars, King of Kings, Manager of the mango-trees of the garden of Bharat.
2. 0 piece of the heart and consciousness of Ramchandra, the Rajputs hold up their heads owing to thee.
3. The grandeur of the Empire of Babar���s dynasty is rendered all the more powerful owing to thee and it is its good fortune to receive thy help.
4. 0 Jay Shah, whose fortune is ever young and whose intellect ever old, be pleased to accept the salutations and blessings of Shiva.
5. May the Creator of the world protect thee. May He show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.
8. I have heard that thou hast come to make battle upon me and to subjugate the Deccan.
7. Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow with blood drawn from the hearts and the eyes of the Hindus.
8. But thou knowest not that thy face is painted in black, because owing to it, this country and religion are in danger.
9. If thou oonsiderest for a moment or givest thought to thy hands and thy strength,
10. Then thou wilst discover whose blood lends the glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world and the next.
11. Further, if thou hadst come of thy own accord to conquer the Deccan, my eyes and my head could have been laid on earth for thee to tread upon.
12. I would have marched with my whole force at the stirrup of thy horse and would have yielded up to thee the country from one end to the other.
13. But thou hast in fact come to conquer at the instance of Aurangzeb and under the instigation of those who desire to destroy the Hindus.
14. I do not know how I shall deal with thee. If I join thee, there is no manliness in it.
15. For, brave men are not time servers. The lion pursues not the policy of the fox.
10. Or, if I lift up the sword and the axe, then the Hindus on both sides will suffer.
17. The greater sorrow is that my sword, which thirsts���for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn from the scabbard for some other purpose.
18. E the Turks had come to fight this battle, then indeed the prey would have come to the lion in its lair,
19. For, they are Rakshasas in the guise of men devoid of justice ang religion, and sinful
20. When supremacy could not be secured hy Afzul Khan, and Shaista Khan proved no better,.
21. Thou art engaged to fight me because he (Aurangzeb) himself is not fit to bear battle with me.
22. He desires that no strong persons should be left surviving among the Hindus in this world,
23. That lions may fight among themselves and disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest.
24. How is it that his secret policy is not transparent to thy brain? It is clear that thou art under the influence of his magic spell.
25. Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world; thou hast reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden of life.
23. Is it not meet that thou shouldst fight us-people and bring the heads of Hindus to death?
27. After having attained ripe wisdom in action, do not then exhibit (the folly of) youth, but remember the saying of Saadi:
28. ���The horse cannot be ridden on all the roads; sometimes discretion is the better part of valour���. (Lit. sometimes it is more fitting to throw down the shield and fly).
29. Tigers attack the deer and other animals They do not indulge in a fratricidal war with lions.
30. Or, if thy cutting sword has true water, if thy prancing horse has true spirit,
31. Then do thou attack those who are the enemies of religion and abolish Islam root and branch.
32. Had Dara Shekoh been King of the country, he would have treated his people with kindness and favours.
33. But thou deceivedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not first consider the high and the low in thy heart.
34. Thou art not satisfied with having played the fox and hast come to fight the battle with the lions.
35. What dost thou get from this running about and labouring under the Sun? Thy desires head thee to a mirage.
30. Thou art even as a mean creature who exerts his utmost and captures a beautiful damsel,
37. But, instead of tasting the fruit of that garden of beauty himself, delivers it into the hands of his rival.
38. How canst thou feel proud at the mercy of that mean man ? Dost thou know how the services of Joharsing were rewarded ?
39. Dost thou know by what means he desired to bring calamities to Prince Chhatra Sal ?
40. Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man has left inflicted on other Hindus also ?
41. I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family.
42. But what is the value of this net in which thou art caught for the sake of the Rakshasa? This bond that binds thee is not stronger than the cord of the paijama that you wear.
48. In order to attain his ends, be hesitates not to shed the blood of his brother, or to take the life of his father.
44. Or, if thou appealest to loyalty, remember thou also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahan.
45. L��� fate has endowed thee with any intellect or if thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood or manliness,
46. Then dot hou heat thy sword at the fire of distress of th.9 land thou wast born in, and wipe off the tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.
47. Tbis is not the time for fighting between ourselves since a grave danger faces the Hindus.
48. O1 ir children, our country, our wealth, our God, our temples and our holy worshippers,
49. Are all in danger of existence owing to his mact inations and the utmost limit of suffering, that can be borne, has been reached.
50. If the work goes on like this for some time, there will not remain a vestige of ourselves on the earth.
51. It is a matter of supreme wonder that a handful of Mussalmans should establish supremacy over this vast country.
52- This supremacy is not due to any valour on their part. See, if thou hast eyes to see.
53. See, what policy of duplicity he plays with us, how differently he colours his face from time-to time.
54. He claps our own chains to our feet; h& cuts our heads with our own swords.
55. The most strenuous efforts should be made at this time to protect Hindus, Hindusthan find the Hindu Religion.
56. I desire to make an effort and bring about stability and strive my utmost for the sake of the country.
57. Polish thy sword and thy intellect and prove thyself a Turk to the Turks.
58. If thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,
59. And if thou bringest about��� unity with the Raj Rana (of Mewar), then indeed there is hope for great things.
60. Do you all rush and fight from all sides; tramp down that serpent under the rock;
61. So that he may for some time l occupy himself with ruminating on the consequences of bis own actions; and may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;
82. And I may in the meantime with the aid of these and other lanoe bearing heroes make away with the other two Sultans (of Bijapur and Golkonda);
03. So that I may rain the shower of swords from the thundering clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;
64. So that, from one end of the Deccan to the other, I may wipe out the name and very vestige of Mahomedanism;
65/66. Thereafter, with the assistance of wise statesmen and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it emerges from the mountains of the Deccan, I may come out into the plains;
67. And forthwith present myself for service with you, and then after that hear you render your accounts.
68. And then we ��� four ��� may again inaugurate a grim war and devote the battlefield to it;
69. And then the tide of our armies may be made to reach the crumbling walls of Delhi,
70. So that nothing may be left of the Aurang (throne) or the Zeb (lust), so that nothing may remain of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy of duplicity or dissimulation;
71. So that we may flow a river full of pure blood, and with that we may satisfy the souls of our ancestors; and
72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of life, we shall entomb him (Aurangzeb) in the bowels of the earth.
78. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain, they can dispel and scatter the whole armies.
74. This is not a very difficult task, we only want good hearts, good eyes, and good hands. These are the really necessary things.
75. I have much to tell thee in regard to this matter which cannot in sooth be put on paper.
78. I am desirous of having a talk with thee so that no unnecessary pain or labour may be involved.
77. If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and hear what thou hast to say.
78. Thy maiden of speech may open her mouth in privacy, and I may take guard against the words being divulged;
79. So that we put our hands to the plough of effort and practise some incantation on that mad Bakshasa.
80. I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall thee in this.
81. Or, we may find out some other way to attain our object and make our names in this world and the next.
82. Be not suspicious owing to the incident of Afzul Khan���the report spoke not truly.
83. He had secretly kept twelve hundred warlike Habsee cavalry to accomplish my death.
84. Had I not raised my arm against him first, who would have written this letter to you ?
85. But I do not believe any such thing of you; there is no inherent enmity between us.
88. Or, if I receive the desired reply from thee, I shall present myself before thee alone at night,
87. And I will show thee the secret letters which I cleverly extracted from Shaista Khan,
88. So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind and rouse thee from thy sweet sleep;
89. I may show thee the true result of thy dreams and then receive any answer;
90. Or, if this letter does not appeal to thee, then indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy army.
91. To-morrow, the moment the sun shall conceal his face behind the evening cloud, the orescent moon of my sword shall flash forth. That is all. God be with thee.
Reproduced from the Shivaji Souvenir 3-5-1927. pages 172 to 178, by G. S. Sardesai the reputed author of the Riyasats and Editor of the Shivaji Souvenir.
Shivaji���s letter to Jaisingh.
1. O Sardar of Sardars, King of Kings, Manager of the mango-trees of the garden of Bharat.
2. 0 piece of the heart and consciousness of Ramchandra, the Rajputs hold up their heads owing to thee.
3. The grandeur of the Empire of Babar���s dynasty is rendered all the more powerful owing to thee and it is its good fortune to receive thy help.
4. 0 Jay Shah, whose fortune is ever young and whose intellect ever old, be pleased to accept the salutations and blessings of Shiva.
5. May the Creator of the world protect thee. May He show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.
8. I have heard that thou hast come to make battle upon me and to subjugate the Deccan.
7. Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow with blood drawn from the hearts and the eyes of the Hindus.
8. But thou knowest not that thy face is painted in black, because owing to it, this country and religion are in danger.
9. If thou oonsiderest for a moment or givest thought to thy hands and thy strength,
10. Then thou wilst discover whose blood lends the glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world and the next.
11. Further, if thou hadst come of thy own accord to conquer the Deccan, my eyes and my head could have been laid on earth for thee to tread upon.
12. I would have marched with my whole force at the stirrup of thy horse and would have yielded up to thee the country from one end to the other.
13. But thou hast in fact come to conquer at the instance of Aurangzeb and under the instigation of those who desire to destroy the Hindus.
14. I do not know how I shall deal with thee. If I join thee, there is no manliness in it.
15. For, brave men are not time servers. The lion pursues not the policy of the fox.
10. Or, if I lift up the sword and the axe, then the Hindus on both sides will suffer.
17. The greater sorrow is that my sword, which thirsts���for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn from the scabbard for some other purpose.
18. E the Turks had come to fight this battle, then indeed the prey would have come to the lion in its lair,
19. For, they are Rakshasas in the guise of men devoid of justice ang religion, and sinful
20. When supremacy could not be secured hy Afzul Khan, and Shaista Khan proved no better,.
21. Thou art engaged to fight me because he (Aurangzeb) himself is not fit to bear battle with me.
22. He desires that no strong persons should be left surviving among the Hindus in this world,
23. That lions may fight among themselves and disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest.
24. How is it that his secret policy is not transparent to thy brain? It is clear that thou art under the influence of his magic spell.
25. Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world; thou hast reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden of life.
23. Is it not meet that thou shouldst fight us-people and bring the heads of Hindus to death?
27. After having attained ripe wisdom in action, do not then exhibit (the folly of) youth, but remember the saying of Saadi:
28. ���The horse cannot be ridden on all the roads; sometimes discretion is the better part of valour���. (Lit. sometimes it is more fitting to throw down the shield and fly).
29. Tigers attack the deer and other animals They do not indulge in a fratricidal war with lions.
30. Or, if thy cutting sword has true water, if thy prancing horse has true spirit,
31. Then do thou attack those who are the enemies of religion and abolish Islam root and branch.
32. Had Dara Shekoh been King of the country, he would have treated his people with kindness and favours.
33. But thou deceivedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not first consider the high and the low in thy heart.
34. Thou art not satisfied with having played the fox and hast come to fight the battle with the lions.
35. What dost thou get from this running about and labouring under the Sun? Thy desires head thee to a mirage.
30. Thou art even as a mean creature who exerts his utmost and captures a beautiful damsel,
37. But, instead of tasting the fruit of that garden of beauty himself, delivers it into the hands of his rival.
38. How canst thou feel proud at the mercy of that mean man ? Dost thou know how the services of Joharsing were rewarded ?
39. Dost thou know by what means he desired to bring calamities to Prince Chhatra Sal ?
40. Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man has left inflicted on other Hindus also ?
41. I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family.
42. But what is the value of this net in which thou art caught for the sake of the Rakshasa? This bond that binds thee is not stronger than the cord of the paijama that you wear.
48. In order to attain his ends, be hesitates not to shed the blood of his brother, or to take the life of his father.
44. Or, if thou appealest to loyalty, remember thou also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahan.
45. L��� fate has endowed thee with any intellect or if thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood or manliness,
46. Then dot hou heat thy sword at the fire of distress of th.9 land thou wast born in, and wipe off the tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.
47. Tbis is not the time for fighting between ourselves since a grave danger faces the Hindus.
48. O1 ir children, our country, our wealth, our God, our temples and our holy worshippers,
49. Are all in danger of existence owing to his mact inations and the utmost limit of suffering, that can be borne, has been reached.
50. If the work goes on like this for some time, there will not remain a vestige of ourselves on the earth.
51. It is a matter of supreme wonder that a handful of Mussalmans should establish supremacy over this vast country.
52- This supremacy is not due to any valour on their part. See, if thou hast eyes to see.
53. See, what policy of duplicity he plays with us, how differently he colours his face from time-to time.
54. He claps our own chains to our feet; h& cuts our heads with our own swords.
55. The most strenuous efforts should be made at this time to protect Hindus, Hindusthan find the Hindu Religion.
56. I desire to make an effort and bring about stability and strive my utmost for the sake of the country.
57. Polish thy sword and thy intellect and prove thyself a Turk to the Turks.
58. If thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,
59. And if thou bringest about��� unity with the Raj Rana (of Mewar), then indeed there is hope for great things.
60. Do you all rush and fight from all sides; tramp down that serpent under the rock;
61. So that he may for some time l occupy himself with ruminating on the consequences of bis own actions; and may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;
82. And I may in the meantime with the aid of these and other lanoe bearing heroes make away with the other two Sultans (of Bijapur and Golkonda);
03. So that I may rain the shower of swords from the thundering clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;
64. So that, from one end of the Deccan to the other, I may wipe out the name and very vestige of Mahomedanism;
65/66. Thereafter, with the assistance of wise statesmen and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it emerges from the mountains of the Deccan, I may come out into the plains;
67. And forthwith present myself for service with you, and then after that hear you render your accounts.
68. And then we ��� four ��� may again inaugurate a grim war and devote the battlefield to it;
69. And then the tide of our armies may be made to reach the crumbling walls of Delhi,
70. So that nothing may be left of the Aurang (throne) or the Zeb (lust), so that nothing may remain of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy of duplicity or dissimulation;
71. So that we may flow a river full of pure blood, and with that we may satisfy the souls of our ancestors; and
72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of life, we shall entomb him (Aurangzeb) in the bowels of the earth.
78. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain, they can dispel and scatter the whole armies.
74. This is not a very difficult task, we only want good hearts, good eyes, and good hands. These are the really necessary things.
75. I have much to tell thee in regard to this matter which cannot in sooth be put on paper.
78. I am desirous of having a talk with thee so that no unnecessary pain or labour may be involved.
77. If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and hear what thou hast to say.
78. Thy maiden of speech may open her mouth in privacy, and I may take guard against the words being divulged;
79. So that we put our hands to the plough of effort and practise some incantation on that mad Bakshasa.
80. I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall thee in this.
81. Or, we may find out some other way to attain our object and make our names in this world and the next.
82. Be not suspicious owing to the incident of Afzul Khan���the report spoke not truly.
83. He had secretly kept twelve hundred warlike Habsee cavalry to accomplish my death.
84. Had I not raised my arm against him first, who would have written this letter to you ?
85. But I do not believe any such thing of you; there is no inherent enmity between us.
88. Or, if I receive the desired reply from thee, I shall present myself before thee alone at night,
87. And I will show thee the secret letters which I cleverly extracted from Shaista Khan,
88. So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind and rouse thee from thy sweet sleep;
89. I may show thee the true result of thy dreams and then receive any answer;
90. Or, if this letter does not appeal to thee, then indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy army.
91. To-morrow, the moment the sun shall conceal his face behind the evening cloud, the orescent moon of my sword shall flash forth. That is all. God be with thee.
Reproduced from the Shivaji Souvenir 3-5-1927. pages 172 to 178, by G. S. Sardesai the reputed author of the Riyasats and Editor of the Shivaji Souvenir.
Shivaji’s Letter to Jai Singh
Shivaji’s Letter to Jai Singh
Shivaji’s letter to Jaisingh.
1. O Sardar of Sardars, King of Kings, Manager of the mango-trees of the garden of Bharat.
2. 0 piece of the heart and consciousness of Ramchandra, the Rajputs hold up their heads owing to thee.
3. The grandeur of the Empire of Babar’s dynasty is rendered all the more powerful owing to thee and it is its good fortune to receive thy help.
4. 0 Jay Shah, whose fortune is ever young and whose intellect ever old, be pleased to accept the salutations and blessings of Shiva.
5. May the Creator of the world protect thee. May He show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.
8. I have heard that thou hast come to make battle upon me and to subjugate the Deccan.
7. Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow with blood drawn from the hearts and the eyes of the Hindus.
8. But thou knowest not that thy face is painted in black, because owing to it, this country and religion are in danger.
9. If thou oonsiderest for a moment or givest thought to thy hands and thy strength,
10. Then thou wilst discover whose blood lends the glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world and the next.
11. Further, if thou hadst come of thy own accord to conquer the Deccan, my eyes and my head could have been laid on earth for thee to tread upon.
12. I would have marched with my whole force at the stirrup of thy horse and would have yielded up to thee the country from one end to the other.
13. But thou hast in fact come to conquer at the instance of Aurangzeb and under the instigation of those who desire to destroy the Hindus.
14. I do not know how I shall deal with thee. If I join thee, there is no manliness in it.
15. For, brave men are not time servers. The lion pursues not the policy of the fox.
10. Or, if I lift up the sword and the axe, then the Hindus on both sides will suffer.
17. The greater sorrow is that my sword, which thirsts’for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn from the scabbard for some other purpose.
18. E the Turks had come to fight this battle, then indeed the prey would have come to the lion in its lair,
19. For, they are Rakshasas in the guise of men devoid of justice ang religion, and sinful
20. When supremacy could not be secured hy Afzul Khan, and Shaista Khan proved no better,.
21. Thou art engaged to fight me because he (Aurangzeb) himself is not fit to bear battle with me.
22. He desires that no strong persons should be left surviving among the Hindus in this world,
23. That lions may fight among themselves and disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest.
24. How is it that his secret policy is not transparent to thy brain? It is clear that thou art under the influence of his magic spell.
25. Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world; thou hast reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden of life.
23. Is it not meet that thou shouldst fight us-people and bring the heads of Hindus to death?
27. After having attained ripe wisdom in action, do not then exhibit (the folly of) youth, but remember the saying of Saadi:
28. “The horse cannot be ridden on all the roads; sometimes discretion is the better part of valour”. (Lit. sometimes it is more fitting to throw down the shield and fly).
29. Tigers attack the deer and other animals They do not indulge in a fratricidal war with lions.
30. Or, if thy cutting sword has true water, if thy prancing horse has true spirit,
31. Then do thou attack those who are the enemies of religion and abolish Islam root and branch.
32. Had Dara Shekoh been King of the country, he would have treated his people with kindness and favours.
33. But thou deceivedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not first consider the high and the low in thy heart.
34. Thou art not satisfied with having played the fox and hast come to fight the battle with the lions.
35. What dost thou get from this running about and labouring under the Sun? Thy desires head thee to a mirage.
30. Thou art even as a mean creature who exerts his utmost and captures a beautiful damsel,
37. But, instead of tasting the fruit of that garden of beauty himself, delivers it into the hands of his rival.
38. How canst thou feel proud at the mercy of that mean man ? Dost thou know how the services of Joharsing were rewarded ?
39. Dost thou know by what means he desired to bring calamities to Prince Chhatra Sal ?
40. Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man has left inflicted on other Hindus also ?
41. I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family.
42. But what is the value of this net in which thou art caught for the sake of the Rakshasa? This bond that binds thee is not stronger than the cord of the paijama that you wear.
48. In order to attain his ends, be hesitates not to shed the blood of his brother, or to take the life of his father.
44. Or, if thou appealest to loyalty, remember thou also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahan.
45. L’ fate has endowed thee with any intellect or if thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood or manliness,
46. Then dot hou heat thy sword at the fire of distress of th.9 land thou wast born in, and wipe off the tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.
47. Tbis is not the time for fighting between ourselves since a grave danger faces the Hindus.
48. O1 ir children, our country, our wealth, our God, our temples and our holy worshippers,
49. Are all in danger of existence owing to his mact inations and the utmost limit of suffering, that can be borne, has been reached.
50. If the work goes on like this for some time, there will not remain a vestige of ourselves on the earth.
51. It is a matter of supreme wonder that a handful of Mussalmans should establish supremacy over this vast country.
52- This supremacy is not due to any valour on their part. See, if thou hast eyes to see.
53. See, what policy of duplicity he plays with us, how differently he colours his face from time-to time.
54. He claps our own chains to our feet; h& cuts our heads with our own swords.
55. The most strenuous efforts should be made at this time to protect Hindus, Hindusthan find the Hindu Religion.
56. I desire to make an effort and bring about stability and strive my utmost for the sake of the country.
57. Polish thy sword and thy intellect and prove thyself a Turk to the Turks.
58. If thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,
59. And if thou bringest about’ unity with the Raj Rana (of Mewar), then indeed there is hope for great things.
60. Do you all rush and fight from all sides; tramp down that serpent under the rock;
61. So that he may for some time l occupy himself with ruminating on the consequences of bis own actions; and may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;
82. And I may in the meantime with the aid of these and other lanoe bearing heroes make away with the other two Sultans (of Bijapur and Golkonda);
03. So that I may rain the shower of swords from the thundering clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;
64. So that, from one end of the Deccan to the other, I may wipe out the name and very vestige of Mahomedanism;
65/66. Thereafter, with the assistance of wise statesmen and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it emerges from the mountains of the Deccan, I may come out into the plains;
67. And forthwith present myself for service with you, and then after that hear you render your accounts.
68. And then we – four – may again inaugurate a grim war and devote the battlefield to it;
69. And then the tide of our armies may be made to reach the crumbling walls of Delhi,
70. So that nothing may be left of the Aurang (throne) or the Zeb (lust), so that nothing may remain of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy of duplicity or dissimulation;
71. So that we may flow a river full of pure blood, and with that we may satisfy the souls of our ancestors; and
72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of life, we shall entomb him (Aurangzeb) in the bowels of the earth.
78. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain, they can dispel and scatter the whole armies.
74. This is not a very difficult task, we only want good hearts, good eyes, and good hands. These are the really necessary things.
75. I have much to tell thee in regard to this matter which cannot in sooth be put on paper.
78. I am desirous of having a talk with thee so that no unnecessary pain or labour may be involved.
77. If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and hear what thou hast to say.
78. Thy maiden of speech may open her mouth in privacy, and I may take guard against the words being divulged;
79. So that we put our hands to the plough of effort and practise some incantation on that mad Bakshasa.
80. I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall thee in this.
81. Or, we may find out some other way to attain our object and make our names in this world and the next.
82. Be not suspicious owing to the incident of Afzul Khan—the report spoke not truly.
83. He had secretly kept twelve hundred warlike Habsee cavalry to accomplish my death.
84. Had I not raised my arm against him first, who would have written this letter to you ?
85. But I do not believe any such thing of you; there is no inherent enmity between us.
88. Or, if I receive the desired reply from thee, I shall present myself before thee alone at night,
87. And I will show thee the secret letters which I cleverly extracted from Shaista Khan,
88. So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind and rouse thee from thy sweet sleep;
89. I may show thee the true result of thy dreams and then receive any answer;
90. Or, if this letter does not appeal to thee, then indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy army.
91. To-morrow, the moment the sun shall conceal his face behind the evening cloud, the orescent moon of my sword shall flash forth. That is all. God be with thee.
Reproduced from the Shivaji Souvenir 3-5-1927. pages 172 to 178, with the permission of Mr- G. S. Sardesai the reputed author of the Riyasats and Editor of the Shivaji Souvenir.
Shivaji’s letter to Jaisingh.
1. O Sardar of Sardars, King of Kings, Manager of the mango-trees of the garden of Bharat.
2. 0 piece of the heart and consciousness of Ramchandra, the Rajputs hold up their heads owing to thee.
3. The grandeur of the Empire of Babar’s dynasty is rendered all the more powerful owing to thee and it is its good fortune to receive thy help.
4. 0 Jay Shah, whose fortune is ever young and whose intellect ever old, be pleased to accept the salutations and blessings of Shiva.
5. May the Creator of the world protect thee. May He show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.
8. I have heard that thou hast come to make battle upon me and to subjugate the Deccan.
7. Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow with blood drawn from the hearts and the eyes of the Hindus.
8. But thou knowest not that thy face is painted in black, because owing to it, this country and religion are in danger.
9. If thou oonsiderest for a moment or givest thought to thy hands and thy strength,
10. Then thou wilst discover whose blood lends the glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world and the next.
11. Further, if thou hadst come of thy own accord to conquer the Deccan, my eyes and my head could have been laid on earth for thee to tread upon.
12. I would have marched with my whole force at the stirrup of thy horse and would have yielded up to thee the country from one end to the other.
13. But thou hast in fact come to conquer at the instance of Aurangzeb and under the instigation of those who desire to destroy the Hindus.
14. I do not know how I shall deal with thee. If I join thee, there is no manliness in it.
15. For, brave men are not time servers. The lion pursues not the policy of the fox.
10. Or, if I lift up the sword and the axe, then the Hindus on both sides will suffer.
17. The greater sorrow is that my sword, which thirsts’for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn from the scabbard for some other purpose.
18. E the Turks had come to fight this battle, then indeed the prey would have come to the lion in its lair,
19. For, they are Rakshasas in the guise of men devoid of justice ang religion, and sinful
20. When supremacy could not be secured hy Afzul Khan, and Shaista Khan proved no better,.
21. Thou art engaged to fight me because he (Aurangzeb) himself is not fit to bear battle with me.
22. He desires that no strong persons should be left surviving among the Hindus in this world,
23. That lions may fight among themselves and disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest.
24. How is it that his secret policy is not transparent to thy brain? It is clear that thou art under the influence of his magic spell.
25. Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world; thou hast reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden of life.
23. Is it not meet that thou shouldst fight us-people and bring the heads of Hindus to death?
27. After having attained ripe wisdom in action, do not then exhibit (the folly of) youth, but remember the saying of Saadi:
28. “The horse cannot be ridden on all the roads; sometimes discretion is the better part of valour”. (Lit. sometimes it is more fitting to throw down the shield and fly).
29. Tigers attack the deer and other animals They do not indulge in a fratricidal war with lions.
30. Or, if thy cutting sword has true water, if thy prancing horse has true spirit,
31. Then do thou attack those who are the enemies of religion and abolish Islam root and branch.
32. Had Dara Shekoh been King of the country, he would have treated his people with kindness and favours.
33. But thou deceivedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not first consider the high and the low in thy heart.
34. Thou art not satisfied with having played the fox and hast come to fight the battle with the lions.
35. What dost thou get from this running about and labouring under the Sun? Thy desires head thee to a mirage.
30. Thou art even as a mean creature who exerts his utmost and captures a beautiful damsel,
37. But, instead of tasting the fruit of that garden of beauty himself, delivers it into the hands of his rival.
38. How canst thou feel proud at the mercy of that mean man ? Dost thou know how the services of Joharsing were rewarded ?
39. Dost thou know by what means he desired to bring calamities to Prince Chhatra Sal ?
40. Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man has left inflicted on other Hindus also ?
41. I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family.
42. But what is the value of this net in which thou art caught for the sake of the Rakshasa? This bond that binds thee is not stronger than the cord of the paijama that you wear.
48. In order to attain his ends, be hesitates not to shed the blood of his brother, or to take the life of his father.
44. Or, if thou appealest to loyalty, remember thou also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahan.
45. L’ fate has endowed thee with any intellect or if thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood or manliness,
46. Then dot hou heat thy sword at the fire of distress of th.9 land thou wast born in, and wipe off the tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.
47. Tbis is not the time for fighting between ourselves since a grave danger faces the Hindus.
48. O1 ir children, our country, our wealth, our God, our temples and our holy worshippers,
49. Are all in danger of existence owing to his mact inations and the utmost limit of suffering, that can be borne, has been reached.
50. If the work goes on like this for some time, there will not remain a vestige of ourselves on the earth.
51. It is a matter of supreme wonder that a handful of Mussalmans should establish supremacy over this vast country.
52- This supremacy is not due to any valour on their part. See, if thou hast eyes to see.
53. See, what policy of duplicity he plays with us, how differently he colours his face from time-to time.
54. He claps our own chains to our feet; h& cuts our heads with our own swords.
55. The most strenuous efforts should be made at this time to protect Hindus, Hindusthan find the Hindu Religion.
56. I desire to make an effort and bring about stability and strive my utmost for the sake of the country.
57. Polish thy sword and thy intellect and prove thyself a Turk to the Turks.
58. If thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,
59. And if thou bringest about’ unity with the Raj Rana (of Mewar), then indeed there is hope for great things.
60. Do you all rush and fight from all sides; tramp down that serpent under the rock;
61. So that he may for some time l occupy himself with ruminating on the consequences of bis own actions; and may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;
82. And I may in the meantime with the aid of these and other lanoe bearing heroes make away with the other two Sultans (of Bijapur and Golkonda);
03. So that I may rain the shower of swords from the thundering clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;
64. So that, from one end of the Deccan to the other, I may wipe out the name and very vestige of Mahomedanism;
65/66. Thereafter, with the assistance of wise statesmen and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it emerges from the mountains of the Deccan, I may come out into the plains;
67. And forthwith present myself for service with you, and then after that hear you render your accounts.
68. And then we – four – may again inaugurate a grim war and devote the battlefield to it;
69. And then the tide of our armies may be made to reach the crumbling walls of Delhi,
70. So that nothing may be left of the Aurang (throne) or the Zeb (lust), so that nothing may remain of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy of duplicity or dissimulation;
71. So that we may flow a river full of pure blood, and with that we may satisfy the souls of our ancestors; and
72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of life, we shall entomb him (Aurangzeb) in the bowels of the earth.
78. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain, they can dispel and scatter the whole armies.
74. This is not a very difficult task, we only want good hearts, good eyes, and good hands. These are the really necessary things.
75. I have much to tell thee in regard to this matter which cannot in sooth be put on paper.
78. I am desirous of having a talk with thee so that no unnecessary pain or labour may be involved.
77. If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and hear what thou hast to say.
78. Thy maiden of speech may open her mouth in privacy, and I may take guard against the words being divulged;
79. So that we put our hands to the plough of effort and practise some incantation on that mad Bakshasa.
80. I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall thee in this.
81. Or, we may find out some other way to attain our object and make our names in this world and the next.
82. Be not suspicious owing to the incident of Afzul Khan—the report spoke not truly.
83. He had secretly kept twelve hundred warlike Habsee cavalry to accomplish my death.
84. Had I not raised my arm against him first, who would have written this letter to you ?
85. But I do not believe any such thing of you; there is no inherent enmity between us.
88. Or, if I receive the desired reply from thee, I shall present myself before thee alone at night,
87. And I will show thee the secret letters which I cleverly extracted from Shaista Khan,
88. So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind and rouse thee from thy sweet sleep;
89. I may show thee the true result of thy dreams and then receive any answer;
90. Or, if this letter does not appeal to thee, then indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy army.
91. To-morrow, the moment the sun shall conceal his face behind the evening cloud, the orescent moon of my sword shall flash forth. That is all. God be with thee.
Reproduced from the Shivaji Souvenir 3-5-1927. pages 172 to 178, with the permission of Mr- G. S. Sardesai the reputed author of the Riyasats and Editor of the Shivaji Souvenir.
January 1, 2016
Shamsher Bahadur ( Son of Bajirao - Mastani)
Shamsher Bahadur was the son of Peshwa Bajirao and his second wife Mastani .The origin of Mastani is shrouded in obscurity. Tradition makes her the offspring of a Hindu father probably Maharaja Chattrasal and a Muhammadan mother. Some consider her the daughter of the Nizam, while others refer to her as a courtesan of the court of some Muslim chief . Tarikh-i-Muhammadshahi mentions that “she was a Kanchani (a dancing girl) skilled in riding and handling the sword and spear. She always accompanied Baji rao in his campaigns and rode stirrup to stirrup with him” . The first mention of her name in authentic papers occurs in the accounts of the marriage ceremony of Bajirao's eldest son Balajirao which took place on 11th January 1730. In the same year Bajirao built his Shaniwar palace in Poona and later added to it a portion named after Mastani , Mastani Mahal (shaniwarwada's north-east corner) and had its own external doorway called Mastani darwaza. In 1734 she bore him a son who was named Krishnarao . But the brahmins of Poona refused to conduct the thread ceremony of Krishnarao , him being born from of a muslim woman. As a result the boy was brought up as a Muslim, by name Shamsher Bahadur. His mother and father both died in the year 1740 . But before his death Bajirao gave few districts of Bundelkhand to Shamsher Bahadur as his jagir yielding 33 lakhs , which he himself had got as present from Maharaja Chattrasal . Shamsher Bahadur made Banda his chief town of residence and loyally served his half –brother Peshwa Balajirao . Shamsher bahadur was married to Mehrambai (or Lal Kunwar), the daughter of Lakshadhir Dalpatrai . A son was born to the couple in the year 1758 and he was named Krishna Singh alias Ali Bahadur. The descendents of Shamsher Bahadur later assumed the title of Nawab of Banda .
Shamsher Bahadur not only managed the affairs of Bundelkhand but also served the Peshwa in his campaigns against the Nizam . On 20th November , 1751 in a stiff action with the Nizam near Parner (Ahmednagar District) Shamsher Bahadur's mare was wounded with a spear . Shamsher Bahadur also conducted land operations against Tulaji Angre in 1756 during the Vijayadurg campaign .Shamsher Bahadur also accompanied Raghunathrao in his first campaign to north in 1753 . Sahmsher Bahadur along with Yashwantrao Pawar was dispatched to help the Sindhias in Marwad on 29th September , 1755 from Pune with an army of ten thousand . These two Maratha chiefs arrived bit late and joined Dattaji (21st April 1756) in the siege of Rupnagar in Rajputana after the Sindhias had ended their Marwar campaign . Bahadur Singh of Rupnagar State, submitted to the Marathas and yielded the city to his elder brother Samant Singh, whom he had ousted and whose cause had been taken up by Ram Singh and the Marathas. On reaching Kota , they besieged the fort and placed Ajitsingh on the throne.In 1757 when Antaji was pushed to Mathura by Abdali’s men he requested the Maratha chiefs of Bundelkhand like Naro Shankar and Shamsher Bahadur to unite and drive off Abdali but he received no positive response .When Raghunathrao came to north India Shamsher Bahadur joined him in Rajputana, towards the end of July Raghunathrao began his march upon Delhi . Shamsher Bahadur with the artillery and the advanced division reached Rewari on 27th July . He was ordered to make a base at this city and occupy the Mughal possessions in the district around . Prince Ali Jah (the Emperor's second son), who had come a few days earlier to Rewari for wresting the district from the hands of usurpers, was made prisoner on 30th July by Shamsher Bahadur. Raghunathrao and Malharrao towards the end of July, reached Rewari and together they marched to Delhi . Where the Marathas ousted the domination of Najib Khan and restored Imad-ul-Mulkh to power .In 1758 Raja Hindupat of Panna ,( Bundelkhand) got his brother Amansingh murdered, usurped the throne of Panna and banished his younger brother Khetsingh .On 1st July 1758 Shamsher Bahadur and Govind Pant went to meet Hindupat . Due to the efforts of these Maratha chiefs some portion of the kingdom of Panna was given to Khetsingh and Hindupat agreed to present 5 lakhs and one thousand to peshwa within three years and to finance the Maratha armies in his territories .Peshwa acknowledged Raja Hindupat as the King of Panna and Shamsher Bahadur after making necessary arrangements at Kehciwada left for Puna on 3rd August 1758.During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen . In the finale battle of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur was positioned in the right wing of Marathas , when Viswasrao fell by the bullet shot Shamsher Bahadur rushed into Maratha centre and joined Bhausaheb in his finale combat .When Shah Pasand Khan left his position on the imperial road of Panipat , Shamsher Bahadur had every opportunity to abandon the battle field and escape unhurt but instead he chose to join the action in the Maratha centre . The author of Bhausaheb’s Bakhar mentions that Bhausaheb took Shamsher Bahadur along with him and entered the mele killing many Afghans. In the end Shamsher Bahadur managed to reach Kumbher in a highly wounded condition where he was hospitably received by Jat King Surajmal , but he died of his wounds. Probably when he would have been separated from Bhausaheb in the crowd of Afghans and his only option would have been a retreat southwards . It is said that he died crying “Where will i go now ? To whom will i show my face now .... Bhau ! Bhau !” .
Shamsher Bahadur not only managed the affairs of Bundelkhand but also served the Peshwa in his campaigns against the Nizam . On 20th November , 1751 in a stiff action with the Nizam near Parner (Ahmednagar District) Shamsher Bahadur's mare was wounded with a spear . Shamsher Bahadur also conducted land operations against Tulaji Angre in 1756 during the Vijayadurg campaign .Shamsher Bahadur also accompanied Raghunathrao in his first campaign to north in 1753 . Sahmsher Bahadur along with Yashwantrao Pawar was dispatched to help the Sindhias in Marwad on 29th September , 1755 from Pune with an army of ten thousand . These two Maratha chiefs arrived bit late and joined Dattaji (21st April 1756) in the siege of Rupnagar in Rajputana after the Sindhias had ended their Marwar campaign . Bahadur Singh of Rupnagar State, submitted to the Marathas and yielded the city to his elder brother Samant Singh, whom he had ousted and whose cause had been taken up by Ram Singh and the Marathas. On reaching Kota , they besieged the fort and placed Ajitsingh on the throne.In 1757 when Antaji was pushed to Mathura by Abdali’s men he requested the Maratha chiefs of Bundelkhand like Naro Shankar and Shamsher Bahadur to unite and drive off Abdali but he received no positive response .When Raghunathrao came to north India Shamsher Bahadur joined him in Rajputana, towards the end of July Raghunathrao began his march upon Delhi . Shamsher Bahadur with the artillery and the advanced division reached Rewari on 27th July . He was ordered to make a base at this city and occupy the Mughal possessions in the district around . Prince Ali Jah (the Emperor's second son), who had come a few days earlier to Rewari for wresting the district from the hands of usurpers, was made prisoner on 30th July by Shamsher Bahadur. Raghunathrao and Malharrao towards the end of July, reached Rewari and together they marched to Delhi . Where the Marathas ousted the domination of Najib Khan and restored Imad-ul-Mulkh to power .In 1758 Raja Hindupat of Panna ,( Bundelkhand) got his brother Amansingh murdered, usurped the throne of Panna and banished his younger brother Khetsingh .On 1st July 1758 Shamsher Bahadur and Govind Pant went to meet Hindupat . Due to the efforts of these Maratha chiefs some portion of the kingdom of Panna was given to Khetsingh and Hindupat agreed to present 5 lakhs and one thousand to peshwa within three years and to finance the Maratha armies in his territories .Peshwa acknowledged Raja Hindupat as the King of Panna and Shamsher Bahadur after making necessary arrangements at Kehciwada left for Puna on 3rd August 1758.During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen . In the finale battle of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur was positioned in the right wing of Marathas , when Viswasrao fell by the bullet shot Shamsher Bahadur rushed into Maratha centre and joined Bhausaheb in his finale combat .When Shah Pasand Khan left his position on the imperial road of Panipat , Shamsher Bahadur had every opportunity to abandon the battle field and escape unhurt but instead he chose to join the action in the Maratha centre . The author of Bhausaheb’s Bakhar mentions that Bhausaheb took Shamsher Bahadur along with him and entered the mele killing many Afghans. In the end Shamsher Bahadur managed to reach Kumbher in a highly wounded condition where he was hospitably received by Jat King Surajmal , but he died of his wounds. Probably when he would have been separated from Bhausaheb in the crowd of Afghans and his only option would have been a retreat southwards . It is said that he died crying “Where will i go now ? To whom will i show my face now .... Bhau ! Bhau !” .
My Article on Shamsher Bahadur ( Son of Bajirao - Mastani)
Shamsher Bahadur was the son of Peshwa Bajirao and his second wife Mastani .The origin of Mastani is shrouded in obscurity. Tradition makes her the offspring of a Hindu father probably Maharaja Chattrasal and a Muhammadan mother. Some consider her the daughter of the Nizam, while others refer to her as a courtesan of the court of some Muslim chief . Tarikh-i-Muhammadshahi mentions that “she was a Kanchani (a dancing girl) skilled in riding and handling the sword and spear. She always accompanied Baji rao in his campaigns and rode stirrup to stirrup with him” . The first mention of her name in authentic papers occurs in the accounts of the marriage ceremony of Bajirao's eldest son Balajirao which took place on 11th January 1730. In the same year Bajirao built his Shaniwar palace in Poona and later added to it a portion named after Mastani , Mastani Mahal (shaniwarwada's north-east corner) and had its own external doorway called Mastani darwaza. In 1734 she bore him a son who was named Krishnarao . But the brahmins of Poona refused to conduct the thread ceremony of Krishnarao , him being born from of a muslim woman. As a result the boy was brought up as a Muslim, by name Shamsher Bahadur. His mother and father both died in the year 1740 . But before his death Bajirao gave few districts of Bundelkhand to Shamsher Bahadur as his jagir yielding 33 lakhs , which he himself had got as present from Maharaja Chattrasal . Shamsher Bahadur made Banda his chief town of residence and loyally served his half –brother Peshwa Balajirao . Shamsher bahadur was married to Mehrambai (or Lal Kunwar), the daughter of Lakshadhir Dalpatrai . A son was born to the couple in the year 1758 and he was named Krishna Singh alias Ali Bahadur. The descendents of Shamsher Bahadur later assumed the title of Nawab of Banda .
Shamsher Bahadur not only managed the affairs of Bundelkhand but also served the Peshwa in his campaigns against the Nizam . On 20th November , 1751 in a stiff action with the Nizam near Parner (Ahmednagar District) Shamsher Bahadur's mare was wounded with a spear . Shamsher Bahadur also conducted land operations against Tulaji Angre in 1756 during the Vijayadurg campaign .Shamsher Bahadur also accompanied Raghunathrao in his first campaign to north in 1753 . Sahmsher Bahadur along with Yashwantrao Pawar was dispatched to help the Sindhias in Marwad on 29th September , 1755 from Pune with an army of ten thousand . These two Maratha chiefs arrived bit late and joined Dattaji (21st April 1756) in the siege of Rupnagar in Rajputana after the Sindhias had ended their Marwar campaign . Bahadur Singh of Rupnagar State, submitted to the Marathas and yielded the city to his elder brother Samant Singh, whom he had ousted and whose cause had been taken up by Ram Singh and the Marathas. On reaching Kota , they besieged the fort and placed Ajitsingh on the throne.In 1757 when Antaji was pushed to Mathura by Abdali’s men he requested the Maratha chiefs of Bundelkhand like Naro Shankar and Shamsher Bahadur to unite and drive off Abdali but he received no positive response .When Raghunathrao came to north India Shamsher Bahadur joined him in Rajputana, towards the end of July Raghunathrao began his march upon Delhi . Shamsher Bahadur with the artillery and the advanced division reached Rewari on 27th July . He was ordered to make a base at this city and occupy the Mughal possessions in the district around . Prince Ali Jah (the Emperor's second son), who had come a few days earlier to Rewari for wresting the district from the hands of usurpers, was made prisoner on 30th July by Shamsher Bahadur. Raghunathrao and Malharrao towards the end of July, reached Rewari and together they marched to Delhi . Where the Marathas ousted the domination of Najib Khan and restored Imad-ul-Mulkh to power .In 1758 Raja Hindupat of Panna ,( Bundelkhand) got his brother Amansingh murdered, usurped the throne of Panna and banished his younger brother Khetsingh .On 1st July 1758 Shamsher Bahadur and Govind Pant went to meet Hindupat . Due to the efforts of these Maratha chiefs some portion of the kingdom of Panna was given to Khetsingh and Hindupat agreed to present 5 lakhs and one thousand to peshwa within three years and to finance the Maratha armies in his territories .Peshwa acknowledged Raja Hindupat as the King of Panna and Shamsher Bahadur after making necessary arrangements at Kehciwada left for Puna on 3rd August 1758.During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen . In the finale battle of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur was positioned in the right wing of Marathas , when Viswasrao fell by the bullet shot Shamsher Bahadur rushed into Maratha centre and joined Bhausaheb in his finale combat .When Shah Pasand Khan left his position on the imperial road of Panipat , Shamsher Bahadur had every opportunity to abandon the battle field and escape unhurt but instead he chose to join the action in the Maratha centre . The author of Bhausaheb’s Bakhar mentions that Bhausaheb took Shamsher Bahadur along with him and entered the mele killing many Afghans. In the end Shamsher Bahadur managed to reach Kumbher in a highly wounded condition where he was hospitably received by Jat King Surajmal , but he died of his wounds. Probably when he would have been separated from Bhausaheb in the crowd of Afghans and his only option would have been a retreat southwards . It is said that he died crying “Where will i go now ? To whom will i show my face now .... Bhau ! Bhau !” .
Shamsher Bahadur not only managed the affairs of Bundelkhand but also served the Peshwa in his campaigns against the Nizam . On 20th November , 1751 in a stiff action with the Nizam near Parner (Ahmednagar District) Shamsher Bahadur's mare was wounded with a spear . Shamsher Bahadur also conducted land operations against Tulaji Angre in 1756 during the Vijayadurg campaign .Shamsher Bahadur also accompanied Raghunathrao in his first campaign to north in 1753 . Sahmsher Bahadur along with Yashwantrao Pawar was dispatched to help the Sindhias in Marwad on 29th September , 1755 from Pune with an army of ten thousand . These two Maratha chiefs arrived bit late and joined Dattaji (21st April 1756) in the siege of Rupnagar in Rajputana after the Sindhias had ended their Marwar campaign . Bahadur Singh of Rupnagar State, submitted to the Marathas and yielded the city to his elder brother Samant Singh, whom he had ousted and whose cause had been taken up by Ram Singh and the Marathas. On reaching Kota , they besieged the fort and placed Ajitsingh on the throne.In 1757 when Antaji was pushed to Mathura by Abdali’s men he requested the Maratha chiefs of Bundelkhand like Naro Shankar and Shamsher Bahadur to unite and drive off Abdali but he received no positive response .When Raghunathrao came to north India Shamsher Bahadur joined him in Rajputana, towards the end of July Raghunathrao began his march upon Delhi . Shamsher Bahadur with the artillery and the advanced division reached Rewari on 27th July . He was ordered to make a base at this city and occupy the Mughal possessions in the district around . Prince Ali Jah (the Emperor's second son), who had come a few days earlier to Rewari for wresting the district from the hands of usurpers, was made prisoner on 30th July by Shamsher Bahadur. Raghunathrao and Malharrao towards the end of July, reached Rewari and together they marched to Delhi . Where the Marathas ousted the domination of Najib Khan and restored Imad-ul-Mulkh to power .In 1758 Raja Hindupat of Panna ,( Bundelkhand) got his brother Amansingh murdered, usurped the throne of Panna and banished his younger brother Khetsingh .On 1st July 1758 Shamsher Bahadur and Govind Pant went to meet Hindupat . Due to the efforts of these Maratha chiefs some portion of the kingdom of Panna was given to Khetsingh and Hindupat agreed to present 5 lakhs and one thousand to peshwa within three years and to finance the Maratha armies in his territories .Peshwa acknowledged Raja Hindupat as the King of Panna and Shamsher Bahadur after making necessary arrangements at Kehciwada left for Puna on 3rd August 1758.During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen . In the finale battle of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur was positioned in the right wing of Marathas , when Viswasrao fell by the bullet shot Shamsher Bahadur rushed into Maratha centre and joined Bhausaheb in his finale combat .When Shah Pasand Khan left his position on the imperial road of Panipat , Shamsher Bahadur had every opportunity to abandon the battle field and escape unhurt but instead he chose to join the action in the Maratha centre . The author of Bhausaheb’s Bakhar mentions that Bhausaheb took Shamsher Bahadur along with him and entered the mele killing many Afghans. In the end Shamsher Bahadur managed to reach Kumbher in a highly wounded condition where he was hospitably received by Jat King Surajmal , but he died of his wounds. Probably when he would have been separated from Bhausaheb in the crowd of Afghans and his only option would have been a retreat southwards . It is said that he died crying “Where will i go now ? To whom will i show my face now .... Bhau ! Bhau !” .
December 31, 2015
Destruction of Hindu Temples by Aurangzeb
Before accession.
"The temple of Chintaman, situated close to Sarashpur, and built by Sitadas jeweller, was converted into a mosque named Quwat-ul-islam by order of the Prince Aurangzib, in 1645' (Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 252.) The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I. pt. 1. p. 280, adds that he slaughtered a cow in the temple, but Shah Jahan ordered the building to be restored to the Hindus.
"In Ahmadabad and other parganahs of Gujrat in the days before my accession [many] temples were destroyed by my order. They have been repaired and idol worship has been resumed. Carry out the former order.'1 Farman dated 20 Nov., 1665. {Mirat, 275).
"The village of Sattarah near Aurangabad was my hunting ground. Here on the top of a hill stood a temple with an image of Khande Rai. By God's grace I demolished it, and forbade the temple dancers (murlis) to ply their shameful trade." Aurangzib to Bidar Bakht in Kalimat-i-Tayyibat, 7 b.
After accession.
"It has been decided according to our Canon Law that long-standing temples should not be demolished, but no new temple allowed to be built...Information has reached our...Court that certain persons have harassed the Hindus resident in Benares and its environs and certain Brahmans who have the right of holding charge of the ancient temples there, and that they further desire to remove these Brahmans from their ancient office. Therefore, our royal command is that you should direct that in future no person shall in unlawful ways interfere with or disturb the Brahmans and other Hindus resident in those places."—Aurangzib's "Benares farman" addressed to Abul Hassan, dated 28th Feb., 1659
"The temple of Somnath was demolished early in my reign and idol worship (there) put down. It is not known what the state of things there is at present. If the idolators have again taken to the worship of images at the place, then destroy the temple in such a way that no trace of the building may be left, and also expel them (the worshippers) from the place."—Letter of Aurangzib in the last decade of his reign. Inayetullah's Ahkam, 10a, Mirat, 372.
19 Dec., 1661. Mir Jumla entered the city of Kuch Bihar, which had been evacuated by its king and people, and "appointed Sayyid Md. Sadiq to be chief judge, with directions to destroy all the Hindu temples and to erect mosques in their stead. The general himself with a battle-axe broke the image of Narayan."—Stewart's Bengal.
"The Emperor learning that in the temple of Keshav Rai at Mathura there was a stone railing presented by Dara Shukoh, remarked, 'In the Muslim faith it is a sin even to look at a temple, and this Dara had restored a railing in a temple ! This fact is not creditable to the Muham-madans. Remove the railing.' By his order Abdun Nabi Khan (the faujdar of Mathura) removed it."— Akhbarat, 9th year, sheet 7, (14 Oct., 1666).
9th April. 1669. "The Emperor ordered the governors of all the provinces to demolish the schools and temples of the infidels and strongly put down their teaching and religious practices."—Masir-i-Alamgiri, 81. (De Graaf, when at Hughli in 1670. heard of the order. Orme's Frag., 250.)
May, 1669. "Salih Bahadur, mace-bearer, was sent to pull down the temple of Malama."—M.A. 84.
2nd Sep. "News came to Court that according to the Emperor's command, his officers had demolished the temple of Bishwanath at Benares."—Ibid., 88.
January, 1670. "In this month of Ramzan, the religious-minded Emperor ordered the demolition of the temple at Mathura known as the Dehra of Keshav Rai. His officers accomplished it in a short time. A grand mosque was built on its site at a vast expenditure. The temple had been built by Bir Singh Dev Bundela, at a cost of 33 lakhs of Rupees. Praised be the God of the great faith of Islam that in the auspicious reign of this destroyer of infidelity and turbulence, such a marvellous and [seemingly] impossible feat was accomplished. On seeing this linstance of their strength of the Emperor's faith and the grandeur of his devotion to God. the Rajahs felt suffocated and they stood in amazement like statues facing the walls. The idols, large and small, set with costly jewels, which had been set up in the temple, were brought to Agra and buried under the steps of the mosque of Jahanara, to be trodden upon continually."—Ibid
7th April, 1670. "News came from Malwa that Wazir Khan had sent Gada Beg, a slave, with 400 troopers, to destroy all temples around Ujjain......A Rawat of the place resisted and slew Gada Beg with 121 of his men." —Akhbarat, 13th year, sheet 17.
"Order issued on all faujdars of thanahs, civil officers {mutasaddis), agents of jagirdars, kroris, and amlas, from Katak to Medinipur on the frontier of Orissa:—The imperial Paymaster Asad Khan has sent a letter written by order of the Emperor, to say, that the Emperor learning from the news-letters of the province of Orissa that at the village of Tilkuti in Medinipur a temple has been (newly] built, has issued his august mandate for its destruction, and the destruction of all temples built anywhere in this province by the worthless infidels. Therefore, you are commanded with extreme urgency that immediately on the receipt of this letter you should destroy the above-mentioned temples. Every idol-house built during the last 10 or 12 years, whether with brick or clay, should be demolished without delay. Also, do not allow the crushed Hindus and despicable infidels to repair their old temples. Reports of the destruction of temples should be sent to the Court under the seal of the qazis and attested by pious Shaikhs."—Muraqat-i-Abul Hassan, (completed in 167Q-A.D.) p. 202.
"In every parganah officers have come from the thanahs with orders from the Presence for the destruction of idols."—A letter preserved in the Yasho-Madhav temple of Dhamrai in the Dacca district, dated 27 June, 1672, and printed in J. M. Ray's Bengali History of Dacca, i. 389.
"Darab Khan was sent with a strong force to punish-the Rajputs of Khandela and demolish the great temple of that place." (M.A. 171.) "He attacked the place on 8th March, 1679, and pulled down the temples of Khande and Sanula and all other temples in the neighbourhood." {M.A. 173.)
"25 May 1679. Khan-i-Jahan Bahadur returned from Jodhpur after demolishing its temples, and bringing with himself several cart-loads of idols. The Emperor ordered that the idols,—which were mostly of gold silver brass copper or stone and adorned with jewels,—should be cast in the quadrangle of the Court and under the steps of the Jama mosque for being trodden upon."—M.A. 175.
Jan. 1680. "The grand temple in front of the Maha-rana's mansion [at Udaipur]—one of the wonderful buildings of the age. which had cost the infidels much money —was destroyed and its images broken." (M.A. 186.) "On 24 Jan. the Emperor went to view the lake Udaisagar and ordered all the three temples on its banks to be pulled down." (p 188.) "On 29 Jan. Hassan Ali Khan reported that 172 other temples in the environs of Udaipur had been demolished." (p. 189.) "On 22nd Feb. the Emperor went to look at Chitor. and by his order the 63 temples of the place were destroyed." (p. 189.)
10 Aug. 1680. Abu Turab returned to Court and reported that he had pulled down 66 temples in Amber" (p. 194). 2 Aug. 1680. Temple cf Someshwar in western Mewar ordered to be destroyed.—A dab, 287a and 290a.
Sep. 1687. On the capture of Golkonda, the Emperor appointed Abdur Rahim Khan as Censor uf the city of Haidarabad with orders to put down infidel practices and [heretical] innovations and destroy the temples and build mosques on their sites.—Khafi Khan, ii. 358-359.
Middle of 1698. "Hamidudcin Khan Bahadur who had been deputed to destroy the temple of Bijapur and build a mosque (there), returned to Court after carrying the order out and was praised by the Emperor."— M.A. 396
"The demolition of a temple is possible at any time, as it cannot walk away from its place."—Aurangzib to Zulfiqar Khan and Mughal Khan in K. T. 39 a.
"The houses of this country [Maharashtra] are exceedingly strong and built solely of stone and iron. The hatchet-men of the Government in the course of my marching do not get sufficient strength and power (i.e., time) to destroy and raze the temples of the infidels that meet the eye on the way. You should appoint an orthodox Inspector (darogha) who may afterwards destroy them at leisure and dig up their foundations."—Aurangzib to Ruhullah Khan in Kalimai-i-Aurangzib, p. 34 of Rampur MS. and /. 35 a of I. 0. L. MS. 3301.
"1 Jan. 1705. The Emperor, summoning Muhammad Khalil and Khidmat Rai, the darogha of hatchet-men..., ordered them to demolish the temple of Pandharpur, and to take the butchers of the camp there and slaughter cows in the temple...It was done."—Akhbarai, 49-7.
"The temple of Chintaman, situated close to Sarashpur, and built by Sitadas jeweller, was converted into a mosque named Quwat-ul-islam by order of the Prince Aurangzib, in 1645' (Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 252.) The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I. pt. 1. p. 280, adds that he slaughtered a cow in the temple, but Shah Jahan ordered the building to be restored to the Hindus.
"In Ahmadabad and other parganahs of Gujrat in the days before my accession [many] temples were destroyed by my order. They have been repaired and idol worship has been resumed. Carry out the former order.'1 Farman dated 20 Nov., 1665. {Mirat, 275).
"The village of Sattarah near Aurangabad was my hunting ground. Here on the top of a hill stood a temple with an image of Khande Rai. By God's grace I demolished it, and forbade the temple dancers (murlis) to ply their shameful trade." Aurangzib to Bidar Bakht in Kalimat-i-Tayyibat, 7 b.
After accession.
"It has been decided according to our Canon Law that long-standing temples should not be demolished, but no new temple allowed to be built...Information has reached our...Court that certain persons have harassed the Hindus resident in Benares and its environs and certain Brahmans who have the right of holding charge of the ancient temples there, and that they further desire to remove these Brahmans from their ancient office. Therefore, our royal command is that you should direct that in future no person shall in unlawful ways interfere with or disturb the Brahmans and other Hindus resident in those places."—Aurangzib's "Benares farman" addressed to Abul Hassan, dated 28th Feb., 1659
"The temple of Somnath was demolished early in my reign and idol worship (there) put down. It is not known what the state of things there is at present. If the idolators have again taken to the worship of images at the place, then destroy the temple in such a way that no trace of the building may be left, and also expel them (the worshippers) from the place."—Letter of Aurangzib in the last decade of his reign. Inayetullah's Ahkam, 10a, Mirat, 372.
19 Dec., 1661. Mir Jumla entered the city of Kuch Bihar, which had been evacuated by its king and people, and "appointed Sayyid Md. Sadiq to be chief judge, with directions to destroy all the Hindu temples and to erect mosques in their stead. The general himself with a battle-axe broke the image of Narayan."—Stewart's Bengal.
"The Emperor learning that in the temple of Keshav Rai at Mathura there was a stone railing presented by Dara Shukoh, remarked, 'In the Muslim faith it is a sin even to look at a temple, and this Dara had restored a railing in a temple ! This fact is not creditable to the Muham-madans. Remove the railing.' By his order Abdun Nabi Khan (the faujdar of Mathura) removed it."— Akhbarat, 9th year, sheet 7, (14 Oct., 1666).
9th April. 1669. "The Emperor ordered the governors of all the provinces to demolish the schools and temples of the infidels and strongly put down their teaching and religious practices."—Masir-i-Alamgiri, 81. (De Graaf, when at Hughli in 1670. heard of the order. Orme's Frag., 250.)
May, 1669. "Salih Bahadur, mace-bearer, was sent to pull down the temple of Malama."—M.A. 84.
2nd Sep. "News came to Court that according to the Emperor's command, his officers had demolished the temple of Bishwanath at Benares."—Ibid., 88.
January, 1670. "In this month of Ramzan, the religious-minded Emperor ordered the demolition of the temple at Mathura known as the Dehra of Keshav Rai. His officers accomplished it in a short time. A grand mosque was built on its site at a vast expenditure. The temple had been built by Bir Singh Dev Bundela, at a cost of 33 lakhs of Rupees. Praised be the God of the great faith of Islam that in the auspicious reign of this destroyer of infidelity and turbulence, such a marvellous and [seemingly] impossible feat was accomplished. On seeing this linstance of their strength of the Emperor's faith and the grandeur of his devotion to God. the Rajahs felt suffocated and they stood in amazement like statues facing the walls. The idols, large and small, set with costly jewels, which had been set up in the temple, were brought to Agra and buried under the steps of the mosque of Jahanara, to be trodden upon continually."—Ibid
7th April, 1670. "News came from Malwa that Wazir Khan had sent Gada Beg, a slave, with 400 troopers, to destroy all temples around Ujjain......A Rawat of the place resisted and slew Gada Beg with 121 of his men." —Akhbarat, 13th year, sheet 17.
"Order issued on all faujdars of thanahs, civil officers {mutasaddis), agents of jagirdars, kroris, and amlas, from Katak to Medinipur on the frontier of Orissa:—The imperial Paymaster Asad Khan has sent a letter written by order of the Emperor, to say, that the Emperor learning from the news-letters of the province of Orissa that at the village of Tilkuti in Medinipur a temple has been (newly] built, has issued his august mandate for its destruction, and the destruction of all temples built anywhere in this province by the worthless infidels. Therefore, you are commanded with extreme urgency that immediately on the receipt of this letter you should destroy the above-mentioned temples. Every idol-house built during the last 10 or 12 years, whether with brick or clay, should be demolished without delay. Also, do not allow the crushed Hindus and despicable infidels to repair their old temples. Reports of the destruction of temples should be sent to the Court under the seal of the qazis and attested by pious Shaikhs."—Muraqat-i-Abul Hassan, (completed in 167Q-A.D.) p. 202.
"In every parganah officers have come from the thanahs with orders from the Presence for the destruction of idols."—A letter preserved in the Yasho-Madhav temple of Dhamrai in the Dacca district, dated 27 June, 1672, and printed in J. M. Ray's Bengali History of Dacca, i. 389.
"Darab Khan was sent with a strong force to punish-the Rajputs of Khandela and demolish the great temple of that place." (M.A. 171.) "He attacked the place on 8th March, 1679, and pulled down the temples of Khande and Sanula and all other temples in the neighbourhood." {M.A. 173.)
"25 May 1679. Khan-i-Jahan Bahadur returned from Jodhpur after demolishing its temples, and bringing with himself several cart-loads of idols. The Emperor ordered that the idols,—which were mostly of gold silver brass copper or stone and adorned with jewels,—should be cast in the quadrangle of the Court and under the steps of the Jama mosque for being trodden upon."—M.A. 175.
Jan. 1680. "The grand temple in front of the Maha-rana's mansion [at Udaipur]—one of the wonderful buildings of the age. which had cost the infidels much money —was destroyed and its images broken." (M.A. 186.) "On 24 Jan. the Emperor went to view the lake Udaisagar and ordered all the three temples on its banks to be pulled down." (p 188.) "On 29 Jan. Hassan Ali Khan reported that 172 other temples in the environs of Udaipur had been demolished." (p. 189.) "On 22nd Feb. the Emperor went to look at Chitor. and by his order the 63 temples of the place were destroyed." (p. 189.)
10 Aug. 1680. Abu Turab returned to Court and reported that he had pulled down 66 temples in Amber" (p. 194). 2 Aug. 1680. Temple cf Someshwar in western Mewar ordered to be destroyed.—A dab, 287a and 290a.
Sep. 1687. On the capture of Golkonda, the Emperor appointed Abdur Rahim Khan as Censor uf the city of Haidarabad with orders to put down infidel practices and [heretical] innovations and destroy the temples and build mosques on their sites.—Khafi Khan, ii. 358-359.
Middle of 1698. "Hamidudcin Khan Bahadur who had been deputed to destroy the temple of Bijapur and build a mosque (there), returned to Court after carrying the order out and was praised by the Emperor."— M.A. 396
"The demolition of a temple is possible at any time, as it cannot walk away from its place."—Aurangzib to Zulfiqar Khan and Mughal Khan in K. T. 39 a.
"The houses of this country [Maharashtra] are exceedingly strong and built solely of stone and iron. The hatchet-men of the Government in the course of my marching do not get sufficient strength and power (i.e., time) to destroy and raze the temples of the infidels that meet the eye on the way. You should appoint an orthodox Inspector (darogha) who may afterwards destroy them at leisure and dig up their foundations."—Aurangzib to Ruhullah Khan in Kalimai-i-Aurangzib, p. 34 of Rampur MS. and /. 35 a of I. 0. L. MS. 3301.
"1 Jan. 1705. The Emperor, summoning Muhammad Khalil and Khidmat Rai, the darogha of hatchet-men..., ordered them to demolish the temple of Pandharpur, and to take the butchers of the camp there and slaughter cows in the temple...It was done."—Akhbarai, 49-7.
Jaziya : The Intolerant tax on Hindus
For permission to live in an Islamic State the unbeliever had to pay a tax called JAZIYA, which means substitute money, i.e., the price of indulgence. It was first imposed by Muhammad, who bade his followers "fight those who do not profess the true faith, till they pay jaziya with the hand in humility." (Quran, ix. 29.) The last two words of this command have been taken by the Muslim commentators
to mean that the tax should be levied in a manner humiliating to the taxpayers. As the scholars and divines of the time informed Aurangzib, the books on Muslim Canon Law lay down that the proper method of collecting the jazia is for the zimmi to pay the tax personally; if he sends the money by the hand of an agent it is to be refused; the taxed person must come on foot arid make the payment standing, while the receiver should be seated and after placing his hand above that of the Zimmi should take the money and cry out, "0, zimmi! pay the commutation money."
Women, children below fourteen, and slaves were exempted from the tax; blind men, cripples and lunatics paid only when. they were wealthy; monks were untaxed if they were poor, but if they belonged to rich monasteries the heads of these religious houses had to pay. The impost was not proportioned to a man's actual income, but the assesses were roughly divided into three classes according as their property was estimated at not more than 200 dirhams ("the poor";, between 200 and ten thousand dirhams ("the midcle class"), and above ten thousand ("the rich"). Money-changers, cloth-dealers, landowners, merchants, and physicians were placed in the highest class while artisans,—such as tailors, dyers, cobblers, and shoe-makers were counted as "poor". This last class paid only when their professional income left a margin above the cost of maintaining themselves and their families. Beggars and paupers naturally escaped the tax.
The wise statesmanship of Akbar abolished the tax and removed an invidious badge of degradation from the majority of his subjects (.1579). A century afterwards Aurangzib reversed this policy.
By imperial orders the jaziya was reimposed on the "unbelievers" in all parts of the empire from 2nd April, 1679, in order, as the Court historian records, to "spread Islam and put down the practice of infidelity." When the news spread, the Hindus of Delhi and its environs gathered together in hundreds and stood on the bank of the Jamuna below the balcony of morning salute in the palace-wall, and piteously cried for the withdrawal of the impost. But the Emperor turned a deaf ear to their plaintive wail. When next Friday he wanted to ride to the Jama mosque to attend the Public Prayer. the whole road from the gate of the Fort to the mosque was blocked by a crowd of Hindu suppliants, whose number was swollen by all the shop-keepers and craftsmen of Delhi city and the cantonment bazar, out for a demonstration. The crowd did not disperse in spite of warning ;
and the Emperor after waiting vainly for an hour ordered elephants to be driven through the mass of men, trampling them down and clearing a way for him. The Hindu protest continued for some days, but in the end the Emperor's firmness triumphed and the subject people ceased to object. A temperate and reasoned letter from Shivaji urging the impolicy of the new impost and appealing to Aurangzib to think of the common Father of mankind and the equality of all sincere beliefs in God's eyes, met with no better success.
In levying the jaziya, Aurangzib was deaf to the pleadings of pity and political expediency alike. In Mughal Deccan, particularly in Burhanpur, the tax could be realised only by force. But Aurangzib was inexorable and ordered the Prefect of the City police to chastise every defaulter. This had the desired effect, and a strict collector like Mir Abdul increased the yield of the tax from Rs. 26,000 a year for the whole city to more than four times the amount in three months for half the city only (1682).
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When a minister wished to oust his rival from favour, he had only to complain that the latter had excused some Hindus from paying the poll tax and the Emperor would plainly tell the lenient revenue minister, "You are free to grant remissions of revenue of all other kinds ; but if you remit any man's jaziya—which I have succeeded with great difficulty in laying on the infidels, it will be an impious change (bidat) and will cause the whole system of collecting the poll-tax to fall into disorder."
Again, when the enforced levy of this tax scared Hindu traders away from the Mughal territory in the Deccan and caused scarcity of grain in the camp of the Imperial army, Aurangzib vetoed his general's proposal to suspend the jaziya in that locality. His soldiers might starve, but should he jeopardize his soul by violating the Quranic precept to take jaziya from the infidels ?
This is an extract from Sir Jadunath Sarkar's book History of Aurangzib : based on original sources Vol 3
December 26, 2015
Marathas the protectors of our Nation
With the spread of Maratha empire the a small amount of Marathi population came out of the present day Maharastra and settled in the region of North India like Benaras . Rani Lakshmibai and Maharaja Gangadhar Rao Newalkar ’s ansestors were from Maharastra .
The ancestors of Gangadhar Rao hailed from Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra and Lakshmibai's father Moropant Tambe and her mother Bhagirathi Sapre (Bhagirathi Bai) came from Maharashtra. A Marathi Scholar Sakharam Ganesh Desukar who was proficient in Bengali, provided a link between the revolutionaries of Bengal and Maharashtra. His grandfather Sadashiva , Ratnagiri Maharashtrian Brahmin came from Maharastra and settled in Deoghar of Santhal Pargana . He was born in Kabogram near Baidyanathdham . He published his book " Desher Katha" in 1905. The British Govt. banded the book in 1910. During anti-partition movement of and later in National movement this book caused tremendous inspiration to countrymen. He analysed in this book the effect of suppression of British Colonial Rule on the Indian trade and industry. He wrote that the King has every right of expansion till the subjects came under its rule - is the idea of British Authority. His important work is "mukti kon Pathe" (1906).
The Marathas in general had no hatred towards North Indians. Chatrapati Maharaj gave shelter to the poet Kavi Bhushan who wrote the following praise of Shivaji :
"Kashiji ki kalaa jaati, Mathura masjid hoti | Shivaji na hote to sunnat hoti sab ki ||"
(Had not there been Shivaji, Kashi would have lost its culture, Mathura would have been turned into a mosque and all would have been circumcised.)
Bhusan presented many of his poems on the occasion of the grand coronation of Shivaji; many of these poems are still remembered in Maharashtra. One such poem is "Shivbavani", which was written about Shivaji.
Shivaji is said to have very good relationship with Rajput King JaiSingh of Jaipur and Maharaj Chatrasal of Bundelkhand. It was he and not any Hindu King of North who wrote the famous letter to Aurangjeb in protest of ‘Jazia’ .
His wise policy was also carried forward by his successor like Shambhaji who had very cordial relations with Durgadas Rathod of Rajputana . After Shambhaji when the rule was passed on to Chatrapati Shahu who gave huge responsibilities to his Brahman ministers called Peshwas . When Jai Singh II was for the last time, appointed Subahdar of Malwa (1732–1737), during which time he advocated Muhammad Shah, to compromise with the Marathas under Bajirao . Jai Singh is also believed to have secretly informed Peshwa Bajirao that it was a good time to subdue the weakening Mughal emperor
Peshwa Bajirao too addressed Maharaj Chatrasal as ‘kaka Shaheb’ and came to his succor in a very heroic fashion . When Bajirao’s son Balajirao became the peshwa after strengthening his position in south India and after the death of Chatrapati Sahu ,who had a soft corner for Mughals .He took aggressive steps to regain hindu places of worship in North India .
Sardesai writes :
The object of the Marathas in all these undertakings was religious as well as political. They particularly intended to get the holy places of Prayag and Kashi back into Hindu possession. On 18th June 1751 a Maratha agent writes, “Malharrao has pitched his monsoon camp in the Doab. He intended to pull down the grand Masjid built by Aurangzeb at Benares and restore the original temple - of Kashi-Vishveshwar. The Brahmans of Kashi feel extremely terrified at such a move, for they realize the Muslim strength in these places. What the holy Ganges and the Protector Vishveshwar can ordain will come true. The Brahmans are going to send a strong appeal to the Peshwa against any such attempt by his Sardars.”
The Peshwa's aim all along was not to seize the territory of others, but only to levy contributions in return for the protection he extended to them and to release the holy places from Muslim control. Muslim sentiment, however, proved too strong in this respect. The Muslim possession of the Hindu places was a matter of long standing prestige of conquest. Even Safdar Jang, otherwise so friendly to the Marathas and his son Shuja-ud-Daula, proved most unbending on this point of surrendering the holy places of the Hindus; and although they dared not give a flat refusal, knowing the strength of the Marathas, they usually bided their time by putting forth paltry excuses for not granting demand. At the present day the question has only an academic interest.
Jadunath Sarkar writes
On 25 Oct. 1754, the Emperor issued orders abolishing the taxes on Hindu pilgrims at Gaya and Kurukshetra. [DC], He transferred them to the Peshwa, who appointed his Delhi agent Damodar M. Hingane as his tax-collector there, 9 Feb-1755. [Rajwade, vi. 328.] But Benares and Allahabad were under the control of the subahdar of Oudh, who clung to his levy at these holy places.
In Peshwa's letter to Ramaji Anant (the manager of the Sindhias), dated 23 Feb. 1759 .Peshwa writes :
“There are two or three undertakings to be achieved in connection with Shuja-ud-daulah. Take Benares, Ajodhya and Allahabad from him. He had promised to Dada [in 1757] to cede Benares and Ajodhya, but the case of Allahabad is still under discussion. If a settlement on the last point can be easily reached, make it.”
And in a similar letter dated 21st March 1759 to Dattaji and Jankoji Sindhia Peshwa writes , :
“Formerly, when Dada was near Delhi, Mansur Ali Khan's son had voluntarily offered to cede Benares to us. If he is now made wazir | by us], he must cede both Benares and Allahabad and pay 50 lakhs”
“if the wazir refuses to leave Delhi [for Bihar ]then you should go and join Shuja, take from him Benares and Allahabad only but do not demand a money contribution “.
The ancestors of Gangadhar Rao hailed from Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra and Lakshmibai's father Moropant Tambe and her mother Bhagirathi Sapre (Bhagirathi Bai) came from Maharashtra. A Marathi Scholar Sakharam Ganesh Desukar who was proficient in Bengali, provided a link between the revolutionaries of Bengal and Maharashtra. His grandfather Sadashiva , Ratnagiri Maharashtrian Brahmin came from Maharastra and settled in Deoghar of Santhal Pargana . He was born in Kabogram near Baidyanathdham . He published his book " Desher Katha" in 1905. The British Govt. banded the book in 1910. During anti-partition movement of and later in National movement this book caused tremendous inspiration to countrymen. He analysed in this book the effect of suppression of British Colonial Rule on the Indian trade and industry. He wrote that the King has every right of expansion till the subjects came under its rule - is the idea of British Authority. His important work is "mukti kon Pathe" (1906).
The Marathas in general had no hatred towards North Indians. Chatrapati Maharaj gave shelter to the poet Kavi Bhushan who wrote the following praise of Shivaji :
"Kashiji ki kalaa jaati, Mathura masjid hoti | Shivaji na hote to sunnat hoti sab ki ||"
(Had not there been Shivaji, Kashi would have lost its culture, Mathura would have been turned into a mosque and all would have been circumcised.)
Bhusan presented many of his poems on the occasion of the grand coronation of Shivaji; many of these poems are still remembered in Maharashtra. One such poem is "Shivbavani", which was written about Shivaji.
Shivaji is said to have very good relationship with Rajput King JaiSingh of Jaipur and Maharaj Chatrasal of Bundelkhand. It was he and not any Hindu King of North who wrote the famous letter to Aurangjeb in protest of ‘Jazia’ .
His wise policy was also carried forward by his successor like Shambhaji who had very cordial relations with Durgadas Rathod of Rajputana . After Shambhaji when the rule was passed on to Chatrapati Shahu who gave huge responsibilities to his Brahman ministers called Peshwas . When Jai Singh II was for the last time, appointed Subahdar of Malwa (1732–1737), during which time he advocated Muhammad Shah, to compromise with the Marathas under Bajirao . Jai Singh is also believed to have secretly informed Peshwa Bajirao that it was a good time to subdue the weakening Mughal emperor
Peshwa Bajirao too addressed Maharaj Chatrasal as ‘kaka Shaheb’ and came to his succor in a very heroic fashion . When Bajirao’s son Balajirao became the peshwa after strengthening his position in south India and after the death of Chatrapati Sahu ,who had a soft corner for Mughals .He took aggressive steps to regain hindu places of worship in North India .
Sardesai writes :
The object of the Marathas in all these undertakings was religious as well as political. They particularly intended to get the holy places of Prayag and Kashi back into Hindu possession. On 18th June 1751 a Maratha agent writes, “Malharrao has pitched his monsoon camp in the Doab. He intended to pull down the grand Masjid built by Aurangzeb at Benares and restore the original temple - of Kashi-Vishveshwar. The Brahmans of Kashi feel extremely terrified at such a move, for they realize the Muslim strength in these places. What the holy Ganges and the Protector Vishveshwar can ordain will come true. The Brahmans are going to send a strong appeal to the Peshwa against any such attempt by his Sardars.”
The Peshwa's aim all along was not to seize the territory of others, but only to levy contributions in return for the protection he extended to them and to release the holy places from Muslim control. Muslim sentiment, however, proved too strong in this respect. The Muslim possession of the Hindu places was a matter of long standing prestige of conquest. Even Safdar Jang, otherwise so friendly to the Marathas and his son Shuja-ud-Daula, proved most unbending on this point of surrendering the holy places of the Hindus; and although they dared not give a flat refusal, knowing the strength of the Marathas, they usually bided their time by putting forth paltry excuses for not granting demand. At the present day the question has only an academic interest.
Jadunath Sarkar writes
On 25 Oct. 1754, the Emperor issued orders abolishing the taxes on Hindu pilgrims at Gaya and Kurukshetra. [DC], He transferred them to the Peshwa, who appointed his Delhi agent Damodar M. Hingane as his tax-collector there, 9 Feb-1755. [Rajwade, vi. 328.] But Benares and Allahabad were under the control of the subahdar of Oudh, who clung to his levy at these holy places.
In Peshwa's letter to Ramaji Anant (the manager of the Sindhias), dated 23 Feb. 1759 .Peshwa writes :
“There are two or three undertakings to be achieved in connection with Shuja-ud-daulah. Take Benares, Ajodhya and Allahabad from him. He had promised to Dada [in 1757] to cede Benares and Ajodhya, but the case of Allahabad is still under discussion. If a settlement on the last point can be easily reached, make it.”
And in a similar letter dated 21st March 1759 to Dattaji and Jankoji Sindhia Peshwa writes , :
“Formerly, when Dada was near Delhi, Mansur Ali Khan's son had voluntarily offered to cede Benares to us. If he is now made wazir | by us], he must cede both Benares and Allahabad and pay 50 lakhs”
“if the wazir refuses to leave Delhi [for Bihar ]then you should go and join Shuja, take from him Benares and Allahabad only but do not demand a money contribution “.
December 13, 2015
My Article on Shamsher Bahadur( Son of Bajirao- Mastani)
My Article on Shamsher Bahadur( Son of Bajirao- Mastani) .
December 11, 2015
Bajirao Mastani : The real story
The origin of Mastani is shrouded in obscurity. Tradition makes her the offspring of a Hindu father (Probably Maharaja Chatrasal ) and a Muhammadan mother, but highly accomplished and trained in the cultivated arts of blandishment. Tarikh-i-Muhammadshasi mentions that" She was a Kanchani (a dancing girl) skilled in riding and handling the sword and spear. She always accompanied Bajirao in his campaigns and rode stirrup to stirrup with him."She was adept in music and gave public performances during the annual Ganapati celebration at the Peshwa's palace. Bajirao was passionately attached to her and felt in her company all the inspiration of his eventful life. She dressed, talked and lived in Hindu fashion and looked after Bajirao's comforts with the devotion of a wife. In 1734 she bore him a son who was named Krishnarao . Bajirao ardently desired that Krishnarao be invested with the sacred thread and be declared a Brahmin. But even the powerful Bajirao could not get the orthodox Pune brahmin priests to agree. With a heavy heart he had to bring up the lad as a Muslim by name Shamsher Bahadur. His name is assumed to be that of his maternal uncle (Samsher Khan).
But Bajirao's infatuation for Mastani since 1730, impaired his reputationin orthodox society, including his nearest kith and kin. No wonder that Bajirao's infatuation for her grew with years and led him into meat-eating and wine-drinking so repugnant in a Brahman household. Bajirao had sons by his Hindu wife ( Balaji Rao Nanasaheb was born on 8th December 1720 much before Mastani came into their life ) and naturally the favour shown to the social outcaste seriously disturbed the peace of the Peshwa's family. Popular voice attributed Bajirao's love of wine and meat to his association with Mastani. But a man of Bajirao's type leading the life of a soldier could not retain the rigid rules of his Brahman caste, as he had to mix freely with all kinds of people. The narrow exclusive life of a Maharashtra Brahman must naturally undergo sudden changes by marching to distant lands and coming into contact with Rajput courts where wine drinking, flesh eating and smoking were freely indulged. This supplies a clue to Bajirao's lapses. Maratha society in general doubtless underwent immense transformation during the process of their expansion. The published papers supply us with only a few glimpses of what actually happened in Bajirao's family. Possibly the contemplated thread ceremony of Raghunathrao and the marriage of Sadashivrao were the immediate occasion of the trouble in late 1730s.
Bajirao then became a topic of public criticism and the priests were not prepared to officiate at the ceremonies if such a tainted person as he were present. While Bajirao was absent from Poona on a campaign towards the end of 1739, Mastani was suddenly seized and kept in confinement by Nanasaheb(Bajirao's son from Kashibai ) and Chimnaji Appa. This broke Bajirao's heart completely that the world became all misery for him. He could not outrage society and public opinion by returning to Poona to rescue his beloved one by force. Mahadoba Purandare,Morshet Karanje and other well-wishers of the family visited Bajirao at Patas and counselled him as to the best course to follow. The orthodox party meant'possibly to do away with Mastani altogether as the sole cause of trouble in their opinion, and wrote to the King's secretary Chitnis, to obtain his sanction for the violent course. The King was wiser.
On 24th January 1740 writes Govindrao, " I have privately ascertained His Highness's pleasure on the subject of Mastani. He strongly objects to the proposal of forcible separation or personal restraint. He will not tolerate any offence being given to Bajirao, who should be kept entirely pleased. The evil does not abide in that lady. It can be stopped only when he himself feels so inclined. On no account can His Highnessadvise any violence to the feelings of Bajirao." Bajirao was away fighting his last war with Nasir Jang . Mastani was kept under restraint in an out of the way place and the ceremonies of Raghunathrao's thread and Sadashivrao's marriage were performed at Poona on 4 and 7 February 1740, when Shahu specially came down from Satara to grace the occasionwith his presence.
A letter dated 7th March 1740 from Chimnaji Appa to Nanasaheb strikes the following alarmingnote, which gives a faint suspicion that Bajirao was quite ill at heart. "I have had no news from the revered Rao since we parted. I did my utmost to console his distracted mind, but God, it seems, willed otherwise. I do not know what fate is in store for us. We should send her to him upon my return to Poona."
As soon as the news of Bajirao's death reached Mastani she died in the palace of Poona, whether by suicide or of shock it is difficult to say. Her dead body was removed to Pabal, a village about 20 miles east of Poona, which Bajirao had granted her in inam and where an unpretentious tomb reminds passers by of the story of her love and her tragic end.
Her son Shamsher Bahadur's education and military training was conducted in line with other sons of the Peshwa royal family . The uproar that had taken place during Baji Rao, Mastani's period seemed to have had no detrimental effect on the young lad. In the court meetings Shamsher Bahadur enjoyed the same status and respect as Peshwa's other sons . He was awarded the title of 'Sardar' (General) by Nana Saheb Peshwa. Bajirao had given few districts of Bundelkhand to Shamsher Bahadur as his jagir yielding 33 lakhs , which he himself had got as present from Maharaja Chattrasal . Shamsher Bahadur made Banda his chief town of residence and loyally served his half –brother Peshwa Balajirao . During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen .
Shamsher bahadur had a son in the year 1758 who was named Krishna Singh alias Ali Bahadur. The descendents of Shamsher Bahadur later assumed the title of Nawab of Banda and ruled this area till 1816. In 1817 Britishers annexed their Jagirs and fixed a pension of 4 Lakhs to the owner of the state . The descendants of Nawab of Banda lives in Bhopal and Indore.
http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Reposi...
But Bajirao's infatuation for Mastani since 1730, impaired his reputationin orthodox society, including his nearest kith and kin. No wonder that Bajirao's infatuation for her grew with years and led him into meat-eating and wine-drinking so repugnant in a Brahman household. Bajirao had sons by his Hindu wife ( Balaji Rao Nanasaheb was born on 8th December 1720 much before Mastani came into their life ) and naturally the favour shown to the social outcaste seriously disturbed the peace of the Peshwa's family. Popular voice attributed Bajirao's love of wine and meat to his association with Mastani. But a man of Bajirao's type leading the life of a soldier could not retain the rigid rules of his Brahman caste, as he had to mix freely with all kinds of people. The narrow exclusive life of a Maharashtra Brahman must naturally undergo sudden changes by marching to distant lands and coming into contact with Rajput courts where wine drinking, flesh eating and smoking were freely indulged. This supplies a clue to Bajirao's lapses. Maratha society in general doubtless underwent immense transformation during the process of their expansion. The published papers supply us with only a few glimpses of what actually happened in Bajirao's family. Possibly the contemplated thread ceremony of Raghunathrao and the marriage of Sadashivrao were the immediate occasion of the trouble in late 1730s.
Bajirao then became a topic of public criticism and the priests were not prepared to officiate at the ceremonies if such a tainted person as he were present. While Bajirao was absent from Poona on a campaign towards the end of 1739, Mastani was suddenly seized and kept in confinement by Nanasaheb(Bajirao's son from Kashibai ) and Chimnaji Appa. This broke Bajirao's heart completely that the world became all misery for him. He could not outrage society and public opinion by returning to Poona to rescue his beloved one by force. Mahadoba Purandare,Morshet Karanje and other well-wishers of the family visited Bajirao at Patas and counselled him as to the best course to follow. The orthodox party meant'possibly to do away with Mastani altogether as the sole cause of trouble in their opinion, and wrote to the King's secretary Chitnis, to obtain his sanction for the violent course. The King was wiser.
On 24th January 1740 writes Govindrao, " I have privately ascertained His Highness's pleasure on the subject of Mastani. He strongly objects to the proposal of forcible separation or personal restraint. He will not tolerate any offence being given to Bajirao, who should be kept entirely pleased. The evil does not abide in that lady. It can be stopped only when he himself feels so inclined. On no account can His Highnessadvise any violence to the feelings of Bajirao." Bajirao was away fighting his last war with Nasir Jang . Mastani was kept under restraint in an out of the way place and the ceremonies of Raghunathrao's thread and Sadashivrao's marriage were performed at Poona on 4 and 7 February 1740, when Shahu specially came down from Satara to grace the occasionwith his presence.
A letter dated 7th March 1740 from Chimnaji Appa to Nanasaheb strikes the following alarmingnote, which gives a faint suspicion that Bajirao was quite ill at heart. "I have had no news from the revered Rao since we parted. I did my utmost to console his distracted mind, but God, it seems, willed otherwise. I do not know what fate is in store for us. We should send her to him upon my return to Poona."
As soon as the news of Bajirao's death reached Mastani she died in the palace of Poona, whether by suicide or of shock it is difficult to say. Her dead body was removed to Pabal, a village about 20 miles east of Poona, which Bajirao had granted her in inam and where an unpretentious tomb reminds passers by of the story of her love and her tragic end.
Her son Shamsher Bahadur's education and military training was conducted in line with other sons of the Peshwa royal family . The uproar that had taken place during Baji Rao, Mastani's period seemed to have had no detrimental effect on the young lad. In the court meetings Shamsher Bahadur enjoyed the same status and respect as Peshwa's other sons . He was awarded the title of 'Sardar' (General) by Nana Saheb Peshwa. Bajirao had given few districts of Bundelkhand to Shamsher Bahadur as his jagir yielding 33 lakhs , which he himself had got as present from Maharaja Chattrasal . Shamsher Bahadur made Banda his chief town of residence and loyally served his half –brother Peshwa Balajirao . During the campaign of Panipat Shamsher Bahadur accompanied the Maratha armies to north with his 3,000 horsemen .
Shamsher bahadur had a son in the year 1758 who was named Krishna Singh alias Ali Bahadur. The descendents of Shamsher Bahadur later assumed the title of Nawab of Banda and ruled this area till 1816. In 1817 Britishers annexed their Jagirs and fixed a pension of 4 Lakhs to the owner of the state . The descendants of Nawab of Banda lives in Bhopal and Indore.
http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Reposi...
Who was Bajirao ? (Part II)
Bajirao's dash upon Delhi
Sawai Jaisingh of Amber had sincerely conducted offensive operations against the Marathas during the years 1733-35, putting forth his own utmost effort along with that of several Mughal chiefs, such as the Wazir and the Mir Bakhshi. Jaisingh fully realized the futility of trying to stop the Maratha aggression by
force of arms, and once more used his influence with the Emperor to bring about a reconciliation. He advocated direct negotiations with the Peshwa himself, to avoid the mischief and misunderstanding which middlemen on both sides were prone to create. If Bajirao and the Emperor could, he urged, meet face to face in a friendly conference, many vexatious and immoderate demands would be avoided. Jaisingh discussed these views freely in the Emperor's counsels and with his permission invited Bajirao to come over for personal talks first with the Rajput princes and then with the Emperor. Bajirao himself was not very sanguine about the outcome of such spectacular visits and conferences, but agreed to the proposal out of his great regard for Jaisingh and also for a chance of winning over the Rajput princes through friendly
discourses.
Bajirao obtained Shahu's consent for such a venture, left Poona during the auspicious Divali time of 1735 and reached Udaipur in February of the following year.
The Emperor not caring to receive Bajirao in a personal visit at Delhi, sent his own agents Yadgar Khan
and Kriparam to Jaisingh with certain proposals tending to effect as advantageous a bargain as possible. Bajirao at once rejected the offer and sent his own agents Dhondo Govind and Baburao Malhar to Delhi with counter proposals on his part, the high tone of which displeased the Emperor so much,
that he declined to reply and prepared for an offensive against the Marathas. The season also advanced and as there seemed no prospect for Bajirao of a visit to the Emperor, he at once returned to the Deccan fully determined soon to compel the Emperor to grant his demands .
The Peshwa Bajirao then decided to teach the Mughal emperor a lesson of his lifetime. Bajirao personally marched towards Delhi with a large Maratha army in Dec 1736. He divided the army into two. One contingent was led by Peshwa Bajirao and the other by Pilaji Jadhav and Malharrao Holkar. The contingent of Holkar was however anhilated by a much larger army led by Sadat Khan, the Nawab of Oudh and mughal governor of Agra . Malharrao Holkar himself managed to escape and reach the other group led by Bajirao.
Thinking that the Maratha threat was over, Sadat Khan sent the good news to Delhi. And to join in the ill fated and premature celebrations of his perceived success, the other Mughal commanders also joined in, leaving Delhi virtually unguarded. That was when the contingent of Bajirrao's hardy band of Marathas, in a swift movement, completely bypassed the encamped Mughal army and reached the outskirts of Delhi (28 March 1737), covering a ten-day journey in just forty eight hours.
What followed thereafter was the total loot of the suburbs of Delhi. The Mughal emperor himself hid in the safe confines of Red Fort, while Bajirao and his men plundered the countryside in glee abandon. An eight thousand strong mughal army led by Mir Hassan Koka did try to take on Bajirao, but they were hopelessly out maneuvered and defeated, Mir Hassan himself was wounded in the battle for Delhi.
Then before the main mughal army could gather their wits, Bajirao with his entourage returned to the Deccan. On 31 March 1737, the victorious Maratha army left Delhi with their large booty leaving behind Delhi, mauled and humbled.
Nizam humbled at BhopalThe Emperor, terrorized by Bajirao's raid of the summer of 1737, sent repeated and urgent calls to Nizam-ulmulk to repair to Delhi and stop the Maratha nuisance. When Nizam reached Delhi the Emperor and received in return unprecedented courtesy and lavish honours. The latter bestowed on him his own robe and sirpao with the title of Asaf-Jah, the highest among the Mughal nobility, and sent him choice dishes from his own kitchen every day, during the period of his stay. Nizam-ul-mulk left Delhi in October with thirty thousand select troops, a powerful park of artillery and full authority to act in expelling the Marathas from Bundelkhand and Malwa.
Bajirao enthusiastically took up the challenge and cheered up his sovereign's drooping spirits. The die was cast. On the auspicious day of 15 October Bajirao took his. departure for the north along with his master's blessings and the best wishes of his nation, now united as never before.
In the meantime Nasir Jang, a worthy son of a worthy father, had not been idle. He raised fresh levies for use in Malwa and spent lavishly in preparations to crush the Marathas between two pincers, himself moving from the south and his father from the north. Bajirao, foreseeing the game, stationed his brother Chimnaji Appa at Varangaum on the Tapti with instructions to prevent Nasir Jang from proceeding beyond Burhanpur. Chimnaji performed this duty excellently. camp with strict attention to compactness and supervision. From the beginning of December the Maratha bands started hovering about the Mughal camp and harassing them from a distance, keeping well out of the range of their artillery. The advanced Maratha troops i'
gradually drove the Mughals towards the south into Bajirao's net, as soon as he had arrived on the tableland of Malwa.The Maratha tactics soon proved effective and the Nizani realized early enough that he could not pursue the Maratha and retaliate swiftly with his huge camp, whose necessaries of life came to be rapidly cut off. He, therefore, decided to find shelter in a well fortified place wherein he could keep his
army secure and deal piecemeal with the various Maratha bands.
He was coming towards Bajirao, and as he neared Bhopal he took shelter in that fortified town without first assuring himself of plentiful provisions and remained fully entrenched.
The siege commenced on 14th December and in less than a week's time the Mughals came to an extremity for want of food. Artillery alone served them well and kept the Marathas out of the range of their fire. Nizam-ul-mulk soon found his position intolerable and tried to move out with his whole camp under the shelter of his guns. But he could hardly travel more than (our or five miles a day. Thus nearly a fortnight
elapsed under extreme pressure, and when he learned that his longed for relief under his son had not even reached Burhanpur, he was overwhelmed with despair and in agony of heart sent for Anandrao Sumant, his friend in the Maratha camp, and through him begged Bajirao for terms of peace.
Bajirao refused to negotiate through the Sumant whom he did not trust and offered to send instead his own agents Pilaji Jadhav, Baji Bhivrao and Baburao Malhar. In the meantime Jaysinh's minister Ayamall arrived on behalf of the Nizam with Saiyad Lashkar Khan and other agents to see Bajirao and arrange terms of peacc. They urged that if Bajirao would release the Nizam from the present difficult position, without inflicting any disgrace on him, the Nizam would grant any compensation that would be demanded. After long
and vexatious conferences, Nizam-ul-mulk affixed his signature to the following terms on 7th January 1738 at Doraha Sarai about 64 miles north of Sironj
