Helen H. Moore's Blog, page 916
December 22, 2015
Bette Midler takes down Steve Harvey, Miss Universe and George W. Bush in one tweet
Wrong #MissUniverse crowned last night. For 2 minutes. Remember when that happened with our President in 2000 & we had to keep him 8 years?
— Bette Midler (@BetteMidler) December 21, 2015






John Oliver f**king kills it: From Big Pharma to Big Tobacco, his 13 best eviscerations of 2015






December 21, 2015
Steve Harvey’s epic Miss Universe fail: For one moment, we were all Miss Colombia






5 worst right-wing moments of the week — The Donald’s campaign spokesperson is the dead-eyed face of Tea Party lunacy







Take this, Fox News: Wal-Mart, Chick-Fil-a and the War on Christmas we should all get behind






Rand Paul’s immigration hypocrisy: He has no credibility to attack Cruz on “amnesty”
“Without question both Rubio and Cruz have been for amnesty, so it’s kind of a silly debate,” the Kentucky senator said. “The amendment that Cruz put forward at the time — no one understood it to be a poison pill, it was not advocated or put forward as a poison pill, it was an advocacy for legalization and normalization.” […] “I think Cruz is being disingenuous and not honestly presenting the facts when he says that he was not for legalization: He’s wanted to have it both ways,” Paul said. “His amendment, I think, was put straight forward — and I don’t think there’s any contemporaneous evidence that he was putting forward something that he didn’t really believe in.”This is in reference to an amendment Cruz offered to the 2013 Senate comprehensive immigration reform bill that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to obtain legal status, but close off the path to citizenship. Cruz argues that the amendment was a poison pill designed to kill the legislation altogether. Rubio (and Paul) are making the case that the amendment reflects what Cruz actually believes and that he’s lying when he says he’s never supported legalization. “It stretches credulity,” Paul said about Cruz’s argument, “and I think it also makes you wonder about exactly whether or not we can take him at face value on what he presents.” It’s all very messy politically, but if we’re talking about shifting stances on immigration as a matter of trust, then there are few people less trustworthy than Rand Paul. His history on immigration is one long series of flip-flops and reversals. While campaigning for the Senate in 2010, he was a hardline immigration opponent, attacking the DREAM Act as “an official path to Democrat voter registration for 2 million college-age illegal immigrants.” One of his first acts as a senator was to back a constitutional amendment that would end birthright citizenship for undocumented immigrants. But then Mitt Romney got thumped in the 2012 election, losing badly among Hispanic voters after advocating “self-deportation,” and Rand Paul the hardliner became Rand Paul the moderate. He endorsed “an eventual path” to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. He wrote about the need to “normalize the status of the 11 million undocumented citizens,” starting with “Dream Act kids.” He announced qualified support for the 2013 comprehensive immigration reform bill and its path to citizenship. But then, as conservatives lined up against reform, he began his shift back into hardline territory. He ended up voting against the Senate bill, and in the aftermath of the child migrant crisis he voiced support for House legislation to end President Obama’s deportation protections for DREAM Act-age immigrants. So compared to Rand Paul, Ted Cruz is the picture of consistency when it comes to immigration. Rand has voiced support for "amnesty" no matter how you want to define it -- citizenship, legal status, whatever. But Rand is desperate to get back in this thing and he has to seize opportunities where he can. If that means pretending he’s a trustworthy voice on immigration, then that’s what he’ll do. And if that means launching a frontal assault on Cruz, who is something like a folk hero among conservatives for, among other things, his opposition to “amnesty,” then he’ll do that too. The problem is he just doesn’t have any credibility to make a case against Cruz’s trustworthiness.Outside the Donald Trump black hole of insanity and despair, the real political action in the Republican presidential race is happening between Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, who are busily attacking one another over immigration. Cruz is attacking Rubio for supporting comprehensive immigration reform in 2013 and trying to position himself as the one candidate who has stood against “amnesty.” Rubio is making the case that Cruz also supported some forms legalization and is not the consistent conservative he claims to be. With these two at each other’s throats, lesser candidates are sensing an opportunity to sneak in and claim a slice of the media and voter attention for themselves. Rand Paul is one of those candidates. Languishing in the polls and incapable of generation even the slightest hint of buzz, Rand is trying to insert himself into the adults’ conversation, arguing that you just can’t trust Cruz on immigration:
“Without question both Rubio and Cruz have been for amnesty, so it’s kind of a silly debate,” the Kentucky senator said. “The amendment that Cruz put forward at the time — no one understood it to be a poison pill, it was not advocated or put forward as a poison pill, it was an advocacy for legalization and normalization.” […] “I think Cruz is being disingenuous and not honestly presenting the facts when he says that he was not for legalization: He’s wanted to have it both ways,” Paul said. “His amendment, I think, was put straight forward — and I don’t think there’s any contemporaneous evidence that he was putting forward something that he didn’t really believe in.”This is in reference to an amendment Cruz offered to the 2013 Senate comprehensive immigration reform bill that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to obtain legal status, but close off the path to citizenship. Cruz argues that the amendment was a poison pill designed to kill the legislation altogether. Rubio (and Paul) are making the case that the amendment reflects what Cruz actually believes and that he’s lying when he says he’s never supported legalization. “It stretches credulity,” Paul said about Cruz’s argument, “and I think it also makes you wonder about exactly whether or not we can take him at face value on what he presents.” It’s all very messy politically, but if we’re talking about shifting stances on immigration as a matter of trust, then there are few people less trustworthy than Rand Paul. His history on immigration is one long series of flip-flops and reversals. While campaigning for the Senate in 2010, he was a hardline immigration opponent, attacking the DREAM Act as “an official path to Democrat voter registration for 2 million college-age illegal immigrants.” One of his first acts as a senator was to back a constitutional amendment that would end birthright citizenship for undocumented immigrants. But then Mitt Romney got thumped in the 2012 election, losing badly among Hispanic voters after advocating “self-deportation,” and Rand Paul the hardliner became Rand Paul the moderate. He endorsed “an eventual path” to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. He wrote about the need to “normalize the status of the 11 million undocumented citizens,” starting with “Dream Act kids.” He announced qualified support for the 2013 comprehensive immigration reform bill and its path to citizenship. But then, as conservatives lined up against reform, he began his shift back into hardline territory. He ended up voting against the Senate bill, and in the aftermath of the child migrant crisis he voiced support for House legislation to end President Obama’s deportation protections for DREAM Act-age immigrants. So compared to Rand Paul, Ted Cruz is the picture of consistency when it comes to immigration. Rand has voiced support for "amnesty" no matter how you want to define it -- citizenship, legal status, whatever. But Rand is desperate to get back in this thing and he has to seize opportunities where he can. If that means pretending he’s a trustworthy voice on immigration, then that’s what he’ll do. And if that means launching a frontal assault on Cruz, who is something like a folk hero among conservatives for, among other things, his opposition to “amnesty,” then he’ll do that too. The problem is he just doesn’t have any credibility to make a case against Cruz’s trustworthiness.






Donald Trump’s got Putin fever: The GOP frontrunner is stumping for a Russian strongman
"She scares me. I cross my legs every time she talks...every time, involuntarily. It is like those pictures you see of the soccer goalie when they're about to get the free kick. That's me when she talks. I can't help it."But Trump's comment about Clinton was a throwaway line. What the Sabbath Gasbags were most interested in were his comments about Vladimir Putin. Trump has been saying for some time that he and Putin would get along great. Months ago he told Anderson Cooper, "I think the biggest thing we have is that we were on '60 Minutes' together and we had fantastic ratings. One of your best-rated shows in a long time. So that was good, right? So we were stable mates." They weren't actually on "60 Minutes" together, there were simply stories about each of them on the same program, but that's Trump. They made ratings together so that makes them blood brothers. In fact, they've never met. Nonetheless, on that and on numerous other occasions, Trump has said that he believed he and Putin would "probably work together much more so than right now." And last week, Putin returned the compliment. In an end of year press conference he called Trump “a very bright and talented man,” and an “absolute leader.” Trump nearly swooned at the compliment saying, "it is always a great honor to be so nicely complimented by a man so highly respected within his own country and beyond." It didn't matter in the least that the media was gobsmacked, he was thrilled, telling Joe Scarborough "when people call you brilliant, it’s always good, especially when the person heads up Russia.” He even went out of his way to defend him against the charges that Putin had been responsible for the deaths of opposition journalists, saying "our country does plenty of killing." On ABC's "This Week" on Sunday he went to the mat for him:
"They are allegations. Yeah sure there are allegations. I’ve read those allegations over the years. But nobody’s proven that he’s killed anybody, as far as I’m concerned. He hasn’t killed reporters that’s been proven."He said it would be terrible if true, but "this isn’t like somebody that stood with the gun and taken the blame or admitted that he’s killed. He’s always denied it. He’s never been proven that he’s killed anybody. You’re supposed to be innocent until proven guilty, at least in our country.” This is the same man who calls for the summary execution of Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl in every stump speech, usually followed by a nostalgic comment about how we used to do such things "when we were strong." It's also the same man who routinely points to the press in the back of the hall at his rallies and calls reporters disgusting and "scum," sometimes even naming names. The GOP establishment is clutching their pearls over all this under the assumption that saying you admire Vladimir Putin surely will be the ultimate put-away shot. After all, we just had a debate in which the candidates were variously vowing to "punch Russia in the nose" and to shoot Russian planes out of the sky. Perhaps the most bellicose was Chris Christie who has long criticized President Obama for being soft, saying a few months back, “I don’t believe, given who I am, that [Putin] would make the same judgment. Let’s leave it at that.” Evidently, "who he is" is so macho that Putin will roll himself into a ball and have a good old fashioned cry if Christie looks at him sideways. Mitt Romney tweeted furiously about Trump's coziness with Putin and his former advisers were all up in arms throughout the week-end calling him a "seriously damaged individual." Trump responded by saying, "they're jealous as hell because he's not mentioning" them. Trump doesn't care one whit about any of this carping. His reasoning is clear in this one comment:
“He’s running his country, and at least he’s a leader, you know, unlike what we have in this country.”Later he said, “I think that my words represent toughness and strength." Trump understands the base of the GOP a lot better than Mitt Romney and the Sunday talking heads. These GOP base voters like Putin. Like so much else, Trump is just channeling an existing right wing phenomenon. Marin Cogan at National Journal wrote about the right wing Putin cult two years ago:
Putinphilia is not, of course, the predominant position of the conservative movement. But in certain corners of the Internet, adoration for the leader of America’s No. 1 frenemy is unexceptional. They are not his countrymen, Russian expats, or any of the other regional allies you might expect to find allied with the Russian leader. Some, like Young and his readers, are earnest outdoorsy types who like Putin’s Rough Rider sensibility. Others more cheekily admire Putin’s cult of masculinity and claim relative indifference to the political stances — the anti-Americanism, the support for leaders like Bashar al-Assad, the oppression of minorities, gays, journalists, dissidents, independent-minded oligarchs — that drive most Americans mad. A few even arrive at their Putin admiration through a strange brew of antipathy to everything they think President Obama stands for, a reflexive distrust of what the government and media tells them, and political beliefs that go unrepresented by either of the main American political parties... [T]he Obama’s-so-bad-Putin-almost-looks-good sentiment can be found on plenty of conservative message boards. Earlier this year, when Putin supposedly caught — and kissed — a 46-pound pike fish, posters on Free Republic, a major grassroots message board for the Right, were overwhelmingly pro-Putin: “I wonder what photoup [sic] of his vacation will the Usurper show us? Maybe clipping his fingernails I suppose or maybe hanging some curtains. Yep manly. I can’t believe I’m siding with Putin,” one wrote. “I have President envy,” another said. “Better than our metrosexual president,” said a third. One riffed that a Putin-Sarah Palin ticket would lead to a more moral United States.Is it any wonder that Trump is saying he's "honored" that Putin thinks highly of him? But the pearl clutching about all this Putin love from the other presidential candidates is seriously hypocritical. They may not be tapping into the macho Putin cult as directly as Trump, but they are very much on Putin's authoritarian wavelength. Just like Putin they are very upset at the idea gay people might have equal rights and they are prepared to use government power to discriminate against them:
Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio, Ben Carson, Carly Fiorina, Rick Santorum, and Mike Huckabee vowed to push for the passage of the First Amendment Defense Act (FADA), legislation that would prohibit the federal government from stopping discrimination by people or businesses that believe “marriage is or should be recognized as the union of one man and one woman” or that “sexual relations are properly reserved to such a marriage.” The pledge is supported by three conservative groups: the American Principles Project, Heritage Action for America, and Family Research Council Action.Apparently, Bush, Graham, Paul and Trump, have also publicly expressed support for FADA. In the name of freedom, of course, just as the old Soviets would have done. These liberty lovers may shake their fists and pretend they are in opposition to Putin's tyrannical ways, but when you get down to it they're all on the same page. And the rest of us should probably stop laughing and start paying attention according to a warning from someone who knows what she's talking about, Maria Alekhina, aka Masha of Pussy Riot:
"When Putin came to his first term or second term, nobody [in Russia] actually thought that this is serious. Everybody was joking about it. And nobody could imagine that after five, six years, we would have a war in Ukraine, annexation of Crimea, and these problems in Syria," in which Russia has become involved. "Everybody [is] joking about Donald Trump now, but it's a very short way from joke to sad reality when you have a really crazy president speaking about breaking every moral and logic norm. So I hope that he will not be president. That's very simple."Strongman cults of the likes of Putin and Trump are often dismissed as silly and unserious at first. And then, all at once, it's too late.






December 20, 2015
7 things that can go disastrously wrong during sex — and how to avoid them









“I didn’t feel fit to be a mother:” I was holding it together, pushing through, getting by, and then one night, I wasn’t
No one felt sorry for Andrea Yates, the woman in Texas who, suffering from postpartum psychosis, drowned her five children in the bathtub in 2001. But there was one moment in my life when I did, when I felt an unexpected flicker of empathy for her and for all the other mothers who struggle with mental illness or who have lost control.
Mental illness is in my blood like being Irish is in my blood — it’s just there, part of who I am. Bipolar disorder runs in my family. My sister took her own life last year. Several family members have been institutionalized. As I near age 50, I’ve come to feel there’s no shame in discussing these struggles; better out than in. I have learned there is a generations-deep war with anxiety and depression in our family, and I am not immune to it.
My own mental health issues apparently are relatively mild. My current therapist jokes that I’m “NOS,” or what they call in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, "Not Otherwise Specified.” I have a psychology degree and spent four years in college trying to diagnose myself (a pre-requisite for psych majors). Adult child of an alcoholic, check. Mildly neurotic, yeah. Garden variety depression and anxiety, sure, but really nothing to write home about. So, up until age 36, I never needed or sought medication for mental illness.
People who are diagnosed at an early age with bipolar or depression are faced with lifelong challenges of managing medication, negotiating their own identity, and coping with the effects of hormonal shifts and situational stressors on their conditions. For me, the mental health scales were tipped by hormone fluctuations over the course of a decade, during which I had seven pregnancies (four children and three miscarriages), leading me up to a moment of crisis when postpartum depression sent me literally running for help.
At 25, I gave birth to my first daughter, Sarah, at 29, my second, Molly. I didn’t experience any feelings of depression whatsoever surrounding their births. I began a successful part-time writing career while I raised my girls. After about two years, I had a miscarriage about 12 weeks into my pregnancy. It was a devastating loss — I’d seen the baby’s heartbeat, everything had progressed normally and suddenly the heartbeat was gone and I had to have surgery to remove the lost baby. Heartbroken, I sought out other women who had experienced miscarriages; they seemed to be the only ones who knew what to say. Others said the wrong things, awful things. Too soon after, another pregnancy came and another miscarriage at around nine weeks. I couldn’t understand why, after two full-term lovely girls, my body seemed to have forgotten how to be pregnant. It was only after this second miscarriage that I learned I had a condition called bicornuate uterus, which meant I’d only ever had a 50/50 chance of carrying a baby to term due to the shape of my uterus.
I felt as though I’d been told my body was some sort of Darwinian abortion factory. Only the fittest children could survive — the luckiest, who landed in exactly the right spot in my womb. How morbid was it, I wondered, how presumptuous, for me to choose to get pregnant again? Was it even fair, expecting a baby to survive in the adverse conditions of my substandard uterus? I felt immensely thankful to have had two full-term, perfectly healthy babies and thought maybe I should just quit while I was ahead. And then I found out I was pregnant, going through yet another miscarriage. I endured three D&C operations (dilation and curettage, aka the carving of your uterus, not unlike a pumpkin), and the worst moment was when an anesthesiologist assumed I was having an abortion and said something along the lines of “It isn’t too late to change your mind.” I just looked at him, bewildered, horrified he’d say that to a woman under any circumstances, and replied, “The baby is already dead.”
I’m sure many other women would have decided to call it quits after five pregnancies. I considered it. But I’d grown up in a large family and wanted one of my own. Although I was scared and my body was tired, I knew I wasn’t finished being a mother yet. It seems cliché to call it “motherly instinct,” but in my heart, despite the odds and the morbid condition and everything I’d been through, I guess I had faith that I would get through it. My third daughter, Faith, was born when I was 34, and her brother Bobby arrived two years later.
My own mother gave birth to seven children, and she always said it was after the third child that things got really tough, because you only have two hands. When you cross a street with three children, one of them is going to be loose.
So for me it turned out that after this seventh and final pregnancy, when my fourth child was born, my world got a little bit out of control.
Maybe the hormonal rollercoaster from seven pregnancies in 10 years took their toll, but I’d never experienced crushing lows or moments of sheer, throat-clenching anxiety, so I didn't recognize them when they struck. The birth of my son had been a joyous occasion (last try for the boy) and I assumed fulfillment would arrive with the completion of my family.
In motherhood, the years are short but the days can be very, very long. I’d never been much of a joiner — playgroups where moms sit around and talk about who’s sitting up or crawling or saying this many words in a sentence were never for me. Writing is an isolated career, too. I was home by myself pretty much all the time. I doubted myself constantly, wondering if I was a good mother, if I was giving my children all they needed, making the best decisions for them and for our family.
I cared about my community and started attending town meetings, concerned about local development in our area. I was elected vice president of the town council while I was pregnant with Bobby. When I went into labor during a town budget meeting, I was jotting down contraction times in the margin of an agenda. It was an overwhelming time for our family, and the evening it happened wasn’t so unusual for us. I hadn’t had three consecutive hours of sleep in weeks. My husband was out of town for work, as he was most weeknights, leaving me alone to care for our four kids and run a small town without really knowing what I was doing.
I felt isolated, didn’t have much of a support network, and was weighed down by exhaustion, anxiety, and an overall feeling of anger and hopelessness I now know was depression.
But despite these feelings I was holding it together, pushing through, getting by, and then one night, I wasn’t.
It started with the Christmas tree. I was getting my middle girls, Molly, 8, and Faith, 2 ½, into the tub when I heard the fully-decorated, 10-foot Christmas tree crash to the ground downstairs. The 1881 Victorian house had plenty of drafts and ghosts; who knew why it happened? I ran downstairs and in a fit of misdirected fury, I screamed at my twelve-year-old as though she could somehow help me fix the tree, which of course she couldn’t. I remember the terror in her eyes — she’d never heard me curse and yell like that. I did my best to upright the tree, but there was broken glass everywhere, shattered and strewn across the floor.
Molly and Faith were still in the clawfoot tub. Beside the tub was my screaming baby in an infant seat; he wanted to be held and nursed all. the. time. Leaving the devastated tree scene, I ran back to the upstairs bathroom.
The girls in the tub were arguing (over something like who gets the blue mermaid or the pink mermaid) and Faith was shrieking as only a child that age can do. Sarah called from downstairs, and I specifically remember a moment where I heard the shrill chorus — the cacophony — of all four of my kids yelling in my direction.
There are these moments in parenthood once in awhile where you just wish you had a remote control (like in the movie "Click") and you could hit the “pause” button on the whole thing, just to stop it for a second so that you can run away — not even far, really, just to the car maybe to put some headphones on for a few minutes, grab a drink or a snack, take a quick walk around the block, just stop time, get your head on straight, think about what to say or do. If we as parents could just have this tiny superpower it would save us so much hurt and pain. We could, for example, take back words we’d never meant to say but spurted out one day to a belligerent teenager — words we know might ring in their heads for years. But we don’t. We don’t have that pause button.
I had to stop all the screaming. I was trying to wash my daughter’s hair and in a moment of true horror that I will never be able to un-live, I dipped her under the water for one brief second just to stop the screaming.
The silence that followed was deafening.
Faith stopped screaming, her blue eyes wide, blinking. Her face, dripping. Molly stopped bickering, gasped, stared. Baby Bobby stopped crying as Sarah ran upstairs and asked what she could do to help. I apologized, dried off, hugged, sorted and tucked each of the girls safely into their beds. And then I laid in my bed, nursing my newborn son, and shook and shook and shook.
Terrified and crying in bed, I didn’t feel fit to be a mother. What kind of monster would do something like that? In recalling the moment that I had dunked my daughter under the water, I thought of the mothers I’d seen in the news — women who’d likely never meant to harm their children but just lost control. I thought of the mother in Texas and, to my own shock, I felt empathy for her. She obviously had been out of her mind to hold each of her children underwater, because no mother in her right mind would harm her child. I thought of Joan Crawford in "Mommy Dearest." This had clearly been my “wire hanger moment."
The next day, I called the doctor. I went to her office, and she (a mom) asked me if I needed "just a little something to help me get by." Yes, I said, perhaps in the interest of my children's health and safety I should take just a little something. Just a Little Something came in the form of a purple and pink pill with an unfamiliar name, the generic for Prozac. Mommy’s little helper. My psych degree came in handy. I wasn’t afraid to join Prozac Nation. The mental health stigma didn’t bother me a bit, not when the health and safety and well-being of my family was at stake. After all, my family had a long history of dealing with these issues, and I wasn’t going to ignore the very obvious danger signs that I needed help.
I took the pink and purple pills for a few years, afraid to stop. They made me feel … well, not happy exactly, but less sad and less anxious. They took away the lows, but also the highs. I didn't cry. Ever. Even for really good moments, like an old movie, when a cry actually makes you feel better. I came up with a term for what I felt like during those years: a mombie.
Too much paperwork, home from schools, that needed filling out? Yeah, fine. Department of public works scandal in the town? Whatever. Kids come home with straight A's? Great. Bully on the bus? Bring it. I have my purple and pink pills, and I am ready to face the world with complete emotionless momchalance.
I didn’t like myself when I was on the medication, though clearly it served a very real and necessary function. For women struggling with postpartum depression, and of course, for anyone struggling with mental health issues, antidepressants are literally a lifesaver. But when I stopped taking the pills after the time I truly needed them, something important happened.
I started writing again. The price of the chill pills, for me, had been creativity. I couldn't write anything longer than a Christmas card during the years I spent taking them. I needed my career back. I missed writing. For me, the medication had been something I needed to help me survive the mental health crisis of motherhood. And apparently, I wasn’t alone. According to the Centers for Disease Control, around 15% of new mothers experience postpartum depression symptoms. PostpartumProgress.org reports that 1 in 7 new moms experiences a perinatal mood or anxiety disorder.
There are such high expectations surrounding that moment when you hold your new baby for the first time. After months and years of hopes and dreams and nursery-decorating Pinterest boards and baby showers, you’re supposed to feel bliss, love and joy. But sometimes you just don’t. Sometimes there are moments when instead of bliss, love and joy, you feel helplessness, rage and terror. And that’s okay. What isn’t okay is that fewer than 15% of the women who suffer with these feelings seek help. This puts not only women at risk, but their children as well. It needs to be okay in our society for moms to not to be okay. In an airplane, the flight attendant tells women, every single time, to administer the oxygen to themselves first before giving it to the child beside them. As hard as we may try, we simply can’t be good moms if we aren’t taking care of ourselves first.
Looking back now (my kids are 22, 18, 12 and 10), I realize my hormones probably stabilized after I finished nursing my son. My three-year term in office ended, and I did not seek re-election. My husband started traveling less. Our marriage would face additional challenges, but I would never again have to deal with the raw depression, agony and emptiness of postpartum depression that had made me feel so alone and scared the night of the crashing Christmas tree. Yet I continue to think about the mother in Texas, sitting in that cell year after year, thinking about her five dead children, and I wonder if there was another way for her and her family, a way it might have been different. I think about all the other moms out there, wading through a depth of anguish they might not have known was possible, and I wonder how close they are to drowning.
Women who are struggling can find out more about Postpartum Mood and Anxiety Disorders at PostpartumProgress.org .
Mary McCarthy is the author of The Scarlet Letter Scandal. She is working on a memoir titled Upper White Trash. Find her on Twitter @marymac.






“Transparent” tells the truth about being a mom: Motherhood is just as performative as gender





