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224 pages, Kindle Edition
Published May 31, 2022
A little over a year ago I started a writing project that was . . . well, ambitious. I created a Substack newsletter called The Mess We’ve Made to help me think through a problem that’s been obsessing me for years now: that is, how this country became such a colossal, stinking, terrifying mess over the course of my lifetime—considering how hopeful the future had seemed when I was a kid. Writing with the expectation of some kind of audience, however small, is the very best way to pin down and clarify one’s thinking, and my thinking about this issue felt, and feels, troubled and muddled. I wanted to read everything I could get my hands on about our political polarization, about how and why people define themselves as liberals or conservatives and then sort themselves into opposing tribes, and about American culture and politics in the last hundred years—and then write about it.
(“Ambitious” may not be the right word to describe this; it was presumptuous, considering I’m not a historian or philosopher or journalist or culture critic and I’d never published anything. But I’m unapologetic. I finished and posted a few fairly long essays about books that struck me as important, and then I kind of stalled; 2022 ended up being a lot busier than I expected. I haven’t abandoned this project, but my last post was in February—ten months ago.)
I’m a Boomer, born in 1953 during postwar euphoria and prosperity, and I grew up strongly and emotionally patriotic, and with a faith in a certain kind of progress that I seldom questioned. The 1960s and 70s certainly had their dark stories and headlines—JFK’s, RFK’s, and MLK’s assassinations, the war in Vietnam, race riots, the Manson murders, the OPEC oil crisis, stagflation, Watergate, the Iran hostage crisis, etc.—and yet, throughout this period, at least for young people, there was always a good deal of optimism in the air, in the culture, that was hard to shake, injected into our bloodstreams by TV and movies and music. The Jetsons, Star Trek, the Beatles, Woodstock, the Apollo program and the moon landing, freedom marches, the “I Have A Dream” speech, Kennedy’s inaugural address, "Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner," Gregory Peck’s Atticus Finch in "To Kill a Mockingbird," the successful protests against the war, the Voting Rights and Civil Rights Acts, Nixon’s resignation, even the cheesy sleekness of new car designs every year and cheesy ubiquitous advertising for absolutely everything—all, in their way, told a story that the world was getting better, and richer, was correcting its mistakes, was becoming more just and humane, was liberating itself, opening itself up, and that the future would be great.
Something else was almost universal: I and practically everyone I knew in high school just assumed that we were going away to college, to a university. We just took that for granted, and it had nothing to do with whether or not our parents had had college educations or even necessarily with how we expected to make our livings. We didn’t much consider whether or not we could afford it. Whether for good or ill, that was quite remarkable, and optimistic, and unprecedented. And, as we now see, perhaps economically unsustainable.
And the music, the soundtrack, was so damn good! Right now, as I’m writing this, I’m listening to John Coltrane’s My Favorite Things, an album released in 1961, and it sounds so confident and inventive, so adult and cheerful. Yesterday I resurrected Laura Nyro’s New York Tendaberry (1969) and the day before that Steely Dan’s Katy Lied (1975). Anyone my age could list hundreds of other brilliant albums from the 1960s through the 80s. How could a world with such great music, so much creativity, not be getting better all the time?
Ok, we were naïve. I certainly was naïve. But I wasn’t so ignorant of history and current affairs that I didn’t know about Jim Crow, about “the military industrial complex,” about all the forces of reaction out there. I knew about lynchings. I knew that the American story was not all valor, high-mindedness, and noble ideals. I knew—even though we didn’t think about it very much—that my family’s little Cape Cod box of a house was squatting on a tiny postage-stamp of Lenape land. I understood, when I was in high school, the possibility that I could soon be drafted and end up dying in some southeast Asian jungle. I knew that there had to be lots of people, like smug, supercilious Bill Buckley, standing athwart history yelling Stop. But I also just assumed—and it sounds so silly now, writing it out—that reactionaries were mostly old people, that they would all eventually die out, and that a generational tide of more freedom and justice was largely irresistible. Moreover, I assumed that this was an American tide—that, in addition to our Levis and music, we Americans were exporting democracy and freedom and justice to a benighted but receptive world.
That is, I fell for the myth surrounding “my generation.” I also fell for a lot of the myth of American democracy—which, we now see too clearly, is very fragile. When I was young I thought it was strong, durable, and protective, because it was what everyone (or almost everyone) wanted. I just assumed that we were somehow insulated from the worst forces of violence and injustice and reaction in the world because we had the vote, the Constitution, free speech, the Supreme Court, etc.
(But, in that sentence, “we” who? White we? And is it true that most people want democracy? True, no one wants to be dictated to, to be a slave or pawn, but democracy, it turns out, isn’t a spectator sport and demands more involvement and work than most people perhaps feel like contributing.)
The thing that galls me is knowing that lots of white Americans my age—other Boomers, who grew up in the same world I did and presumably watched the same TV shows and movies and listened to the same music—now tune in to Tucker Carlson every evening, wear their red MAGA hats in COSTCO, and would gladly vote for Trump again if they had the chance. Who are these people? They apparently got a memo that never hit my desk. And there’s no escaping it: if the world is a stinking mess, we Boomers made it so, or allowed it to become so, inadvertently or otherwise, because we’ve been in charge for the last 40 years. How did the Woodstock generation—all stardust, all golden, all billion-year-old carbon—end up with the world we have today, with such grotesque wealth inequality, with so much environmental destruction, with melting icecaps and the near prospect of submerged cities and coastlines all over the globe, with millions of desperately impoverished refugees on the move from continent to continent, with a Supreme Court actually canceling long-established human rights, with a new war in Europe savaging civilians, and with democratic decay and the near impossibility of getting any kind of popular legislation passed?
There are already a host of studies covering this territory: the history and legacy of the Baby Boom and the cultural and political history of the middle and late 20th century. I’m looking forward to Louis Menand’s The Free World: Art and Thought in the Cold War. (It’s a tome, however, so I’m procrastinating.) A couple of recent books by Millennials take their swipes at Boomers from the left and the right: respectively, Jill Filipovich’s OK Boomer, Let’s Talk: How My Generation Got Left Behind, and Boomers: The Men and Women Who Promised Freedom and Delivered Disaster, by Helen Andrews. I’ve heard both authors interviewed, so I already know their positions and I’m not rushing out to get their books.
And I should probably go back and read or reread those classics from the 70s: Tom Wolfe’s “Me Generation,” The Culture of Narcissism by Christopher Lasch, and both Slouching Towards Bethlehem and The White Album by Joan Didion. Obviously, there were people at the time who could already smell that some of the milk was curdling.
I lit up, however, when I discovered Bill McKibben’s The Flag, the Cross, and the Station Wagon: A Graying American Looks Back at His Suburban Boyhood and Wonders What the Hell Happened. I respect McKibben, a long-time environmental activist and author and the founder of Third Act, a group to mobilize progressive Americans over 60. I lit up because McKibben is coming from a place kind of like mine. He’s white, a Boomer, a few years younger than me; he grew up in a moderately liberal household in a moderately prosperous suburb (Lexington, Massachusetts, in his case), he was raised both patriotic and Christian, and he’s never deviated from the fundamental idealism and belief in responsibility of his upbringing. This book was prompted by the same personal perplexity that I’m feeling: the stark contrast between the liberal optimism that permeated our suburban boyhoods and the world that we Boomers have created.
This is a short book, part memoir and part homily, and it’s divided into three sections. The first, “The Flag,” is about patriotism. McKibben insists, correctly, that there’s a good deal of radical egalitarianism implicit in the sweep of American history—The 1619 Project and our post-Reconstruction legacy notwithstanding. If progressives expect to get any good work done, they need to take patriotism and the flag back from the reactionaries who claim them as exclusive brands. (Indeed, it pisses me off to see Oath Keepers and their ilk with “We the People” tattooed on their forearms, as if fat middle-aged white guys with guns, in fake camo, held some kind of patent on the Constitution.)
In the second section, “The Cross,” McKibben reconciles his surviving Christian faith with progressive ideals, telling the story of the late Rev. Peter Gomes, whom he knew at Harvard. Gomes—professor of Christian morals at Harvard’s Divinity School and minister of the church at the center of the campus's Christian life—was for many years a Republican darling: black, but with patrician tastes and habits and conservative opinions, giving the benediction at Ronald Reagan’s second inauguration. But late in his career Gomes came out as gay and shifted his writings and rhetoric decisively against fundamentalist readings of the Bible and intolerance of all sorts. To McKibben, the trajectory of Gomes’ faith and activism are inspirational, proving no necessary contradiction between faith and an inclusive democracy.
This is not a particularly dense or weighty book, and the final sections—about the economics of suburbia and post-war American prosperity—are as close as McKibben gets to analysis. And though he covers no new ground here, it’s a story that bears repeating: that, despite the white Baby Boom’s professed idealism about race, its wealth is very much implicated in the racial inequities of real-estate economics. Our horrible inequality may have many causes, but it is indeed a function of how we use land, and of bad decisions made by our parents’ generation that we continue to make. There is something essentially rotten, corrosive, in the idea of suburbia, and that may be where the Boomers’ optimism was most misguided.