The Anne Barton Introduction included with the New York Review Books edition of Edward John Trelawny’s RECORDS OF SHELLEY, BYRON, AND THE AUTHOR is one we the uninitiated could hardly be expected to make the proper sort of headway without. Had it not been Anne Barton, somebody else would have been needed to take up the basic task. Whatever else it is, this is a book that requires preamble, lest we were to go along with it in ill-judged credulity. Edward John Trelawny, the book’s not wholly reputable author, was in large part both a practiced self-mythologizer and a peddler of what we might generously call tall tales. Reading him is pleasurable, but any reader susceptible to the suspension of suspicion is liable to become the author’s mark. A brawny narcissist and near-parody of the Romantic stud, Trelawny cut a particular figure, almost as though trying out for the role of Byronic hero, Barton noting that his portraits tend to appear like efforts toward just this end (feel free to avail yourself of the requisite Google Image search and draw your own conclusions). It is hardly unknown for big masculinist personalities to present themselves as garrulous fronts for sublated weaknesses—perhaps especially for fragilities of ego—and we probably have ample cause to attribute such tendencies to our author. Anne Barton would appear to make the case that if Trelawny doesn’t treat Byron all that fairly this is quite likely because the author of DON JUAN had once been widely quoted (by numerous individuals with credible claims to having been present for the auspicious occasion) to the effect that the slightly younger man couldn’t tell the truth any more than he could spell or wash his hands. Readers of RECORDS OF SHELLEY, BYRON, AND THE AUTHOR may even be inclined to suspect that the many defects of character the author goes to considerable lengths to assign to Byron are debilitating liabilities of his own. Note the following passage, from the book’s second volume: “The appetites of actors, authors, and artists for popularity, are insatiable. The craving to be noticed is general; it begins at birth and ends in death. It grows by what it feeds on. This morbid yearning in some minds for notoriety, or to make a sensation, is such, that, rather than be unnoticed, they invent crimes, and lay claim to the good or evil deeds of others.” More than implicitly a dig at Byron, it is difficult here not to imagine the author with the proverbial three fingers pointing back at himself. Of one thing there can be no doubt: Trelawny’s book to one extent or another is engaged in self-aggrandizement, manipulation and what is at times doubtlessly wholesale invention, as well as various measures that very much resemble efforts toward character assassination. Trelawny is himself a celebrity in 1878 and also a man not far short of ninety years. This is the year the second addition of the book appears, said addition serving as the source for the edition New York Review Books first published in the year 2000. Trelawny is tying up loose ends, securing his legacy. The 1858 first edition had been called RECOLLECTIONS OF SHELLEY AND BYRON, this 1878 rehash reimagined as RECORDS OF SHELLEY, BYRON, AND THE AUTHOR, the addition of “and the author” one thing, the transmutation of “recollections” into “records” a whole other deal entirely (and extremely telling, at that). Neophytes such as myself cannot hope to negotiate the veracity of truth claims contained within the book, and surely exhaustive research would take us only so far. To enjoy the book, which I certainly did, one must be at least moderately open to the company of wily confabulators. Anne Barton surmises that deviation from the factual occurs almost immediately. The RECORDS begin with Trelawny detailing how, residing in Switzerland and made aware of the revolutionary poetry of Percy Shelley by an enterprising Lausanne bookseller, he became enthralled with the genius of this rejected and reviled young master versifier, shortly thereafter meeting Edward Williams and Thomas Medwin, friend to Shelley and cousin respectively, and thereby capitalizing on the opportunity to pay a visit to the exiled poet in Tuscany. Barton is not having it. She believes Trelawny, an ex naval volunteer with a poor reputation and a father who wanted nothing to do with him, went to Italy to meet Byron, the man who was in 1821 the celebrity Shelley very much was not. Trelawny’s reframing of matters—if that is indeed what is going on here—might well have to do with more than personal grievances maintained with respect to Lord Byron. By the time of the publication of both the first and second editions of Trelawny’s account, all the other principles long dead, Shelley's star is ascendant and it is he who enjoys the comparable literary renown. If there are discrepancies and inconsistencies in terms of the way Trelawny characterizes the great poet, there can be no denying that it is all generally a matter of the most ardent hagiography. Shelley is represented as both childlike and feminine, but at the same time of the utmost physical strength and manly resolve, in possession of a keen intelligence, clearly both congenital and a product of endless study, surpassing that of all his contemporaries. Trelawny effectively purports to discover in Shelley the Byronic hero Byron himself could never be. “Beginning at Oxford to question all things that were established in State and Church from time immemorial was considered by the orthodox as unprecedented audacity, and his being expelled from College and cast off from all his family, a just punishment. But the young reformer, with untamed energy of mind and body, fearlessly pursued his erratic course. As the pillory and imprisonment had been foolishly laid aside, there was no ready remedy to check the blasphemy spreading like a pestilence throughout the land.” The imputation of a satanic dimension in Shelley’s poetry (his being widely held to be literally “founder of a Satanic school”) is originally what attracts Trelawny to it, the aforementioned bookseller in Lausanne having recounted the story of a priest, cursing Shelley and the bookseller himself upon discovering QUEEN MAB among the latter’s stock: “the world is retrograding into accursed heathenism and universal anarchy!” As far as Trelawny is concerned, you could hardly be expected to provide a more effective sales pitch. Shelley is to die in 1822, so he and Trelawny are close for less than a year. Shelley is reported to have asserted to his interlocutor that “All our knowledge is derived from infidels,” and this is surely a forceful articulation of the Romantic ideal, the core of an ethos. There would seem to be more than a little lowercase-r romance as well, and we may begin to imagine that there is a near-amorous dimension to Trelawny’s idolatry; he makes mention of the regularity with which he was able to observe Shelley in the nude, and one of the book’s most memorable and remarked-upon passages involves the poet appearing before mixed company (an actual dinner party, hosted by an embarrassed Mary Shelley) completely exposed after having bathed in the ocean. Trelawny is inclined to look for wrongdoing as pertains to his friend. “Leigh Hunt often said that he was the dearest friend Shelley had; I believe he was the most costly.” Or: “It was fortunate Shelley had so few friends, for with the exception of Jefferson Hogg and Horace Smith they all used him as their purse.” Generous to a fault, abstemious only when it came to himself, Shelley was used and abused, we are led to believe, all too habitually, though surely not by our noble author. Anybody possessing a cursory familiarity with Shelley’s life will doubtlessly have come to apprehend that the young man would appear to have been practically hellbent on getting himself drowned, his ultimate death as such having been preceded by a number of near misses. It is a subject—the noble poet and the pull of death and sea—upon which Trelawny has occasion to rhapsodize. “The Poet was delighted with this fragile toy, and toying with it on the water, it often capsized, and gave him many a header: standing up, or an incautious movement, upset it.” This is followed in short order by a key bit of verse:
The sea, the sea, the dark blue sea,
The bright, the pure, the ever free.
All this taken into account, Trelawny goes to great measures to attribute Shelley’s death to the malice of marauding fishermen rather than recklessness on the water (and in a storm!). We are in fact treated to a fairly exhaustive quasi-forensic investigation/inquest, complete with excerpted letters written by other parties appearing to confirm Trelawny’s version of events (though as to the legitimacy of attributed authorship in these cases I am not in a position to say anything). It is certainly difficult to forget that Trelawny has already told us that Shelley had, about a month before his death, expressed interest in procuring “Prussic Acid, or essential oil of bitter almonds,” his believing said potion to be a potential agent of suicide. Though not a drinker of alcohol, Shelley was a regular and sometimes heavy user of laudanum. Though Trelawny believes Shelley and Williams’ vessel to have been maliciously rammed, its occupants casualties of the subsequent sinking, near the beginning of the book the author has made a claim that we may decide none of his later efforts satisfactorily dispel: “barring drugs and accidents, he might have lived as long as his father—to ninety.” Another of the most memorable passages in the book is that which details the burning of Shelley’s remains on a pyre near Viareggio, complete with the poet’s roiling-boiling brainstuffs, drowned man’s blood-thick unincineratable heart, and the attendant Lord Byron’s feigned blasé dispassion. Shelley dies in July of 1822 and Byron will live until April of 1824, much of that time spent in Greece both with and independent of Trelawny, a tale of heedless adventurism involving the Greek War of Independence and ultimately Byron’s death, which in this case Trelawny blames more or less on medical malpractice. Byron had first left England in 1809, and is purported here to have more or less blamed his poetry on an earlier trip to Greece. “I climbed to the haunts of Minerva and the Muses.” Byron prefers to read autobiographies when he reads at all. When sent a book he will read the last chapter and then the first, at that point deciding if he will investigate further (the suggestion being that he seldom does). He denigrates “bibliopolists,” but is extremely sensitive concerning his status and reputation (largely among bibliopolists). In perhaps his weirdest gambit, Trelawny consistently attributes the basic underlying set of insecurities that delimit Byron’s character to lameness and deformity. If Byron hardly eats, we are told this is because the man has a metabolism inclined toward girth which his hobbled legs could never possibly support. When we are not being told that Byron is a kind of Iago, it is averred that his is the wrath of a “scarce half made up” Richard III. Anne Barton actually informs us that the second edition is less malicious than had been the first, Byron treated to a slightly lass savage assessment here when it comes to the inspection of his corpse. The basic gist: “he was raised in poverty and obscurity and unexpectedly became a Lord, with a good estate; this was enough to unsettle the equanimity of such a temperament as his. But fortune as well as misfortune comes with both hands full, and when, as he himself said, he awoke one morning and found himself famous, his brain grew dizzy, and he foolishly entered the great donkey sweepstakes, and ran in the ruck: galled in the race, he bolted off the course, and rushed into the ranks of that great sect that worships golden images.” Again, this would have to in all likelihood strike us as one donkey impugned by another. After Byron’s death, there is still a sizeable portion of the second volume of RECORDS OF SHELLEY, BYRON, AND THE AUTHOR left, most of this relating to Trelawny’s ongoing adventures in Greece, wherein he resides in a cavern with various mercenaries and gets himself shot by a Scotsman named Fenton who he had had the poor judgement to trust as a friend and ally. “Byron thought all men rogues, and put no trust in any. As applied to the Greeks, his skepticism was perfect wisdom.” The Turks, it would seem, are even worse. The final chapter of the book trails off in a fashion most unusual, pursing to dizzy extremities the desire to clarify parenthetical minutiae. This is followed by five Appendices, the most cringeworthy of which involves what would seem to be unwarranted disparagement of Mary Shelley, a woman Anne Barton tells us had been both kind and generous to Trelawny (and who was safely dead but a few years before the appearance of the 1858 first edition of his book). Percy Shelley is, in fact, the only person with feminine characteristics in the RECORDS who receives much in the way of praise. An early assertion in the book is quite interesting: “Beauty is said to be a fatal gift to women, and it may be added that genius is a fatal gift to men; they are born before their time and out of harmony with the things about them.” Trelawny was neither a beautiful nor a brilliant person, but he is a man who will go considerable distances out of his way to put himself in a good light and heap scorn on others. To what extent is this just a metastasis of resentment, jealousy, and wounded pride? Though he may quote Shelley on the subject of love with all the requisite wonderment, Trelawny does not himself look especially good assessed in Shelley’s terms. “Love is not akin to jealousy; love does not seek its own pleasure, but the happiness of another. Jealousy is gross selfishness; it looks upon everyone who approaches as an enemy: it’s the idolatry of self, and, like canine madness, incurable.” We can only assume that Trelawny has recorded this axiom without adequately assimilating it. Still, he is a lively writer and a man who very much was in the right place at the right time. Reading his KAPUTT last month, I had mused on how there did not seem much in the way of precedent for how Curzio Malaprte incorporates himself (or his persona) into his work; I am happy to discover in Trelawny a curious example of just such a precedent. Imagine what this man might have been if the myth of himself were to have availed itself of even a marginal demystification of self. How much more flexible he might have been, how much more agile. Flexibility and agility are manly characteristics our author would tend to lionize. He could well have stood to have had his frame rattled. Even if only just a little. As it stands, his lack of critical self-knowledge undergirds a fascinating text best read with attention to those things which cannot help but go unsaid.