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304 pages, Hardcover
First published March 12, 2019
The war over press freedom was not going to be a fight about changing America’s laws. It was going to be a fight about the very nature of truth…I should have seen it coming. In a decade and a half at The Times I had had my moments with Trump and his lawyers. I knew how they played the game.All the News That’s Fit to Print (which should be changed, BTW, to add “or Post” or substitute “Fit to Run”to accommodate the fact that materials these days might be posted without ever being actually printed) does not usually include the doings of its in-house counsel. But in October 2016, at the height of the presidential election campaign, The New York Times had just published an article titled Two Women Say Donald Trump Touched Them Inappropriately. The accompanying video was quite compelling, the stories from both women believable. It did not take long for a standard response to bad coverage to arrive. Donald Trump Threatens to Sue The Times Over Article on Unwanted Advances. It was typical for Trump to threaten to sue anyone who printed or planned to print anything unflattering about him. But this was at the peak of a presidential campaign, when the damage from bad press could be devastating. In-house counsel David McCraw was charged with preparing a response. He went above and beyond, his reply going viral. In his response he wrote “Nothing in our article has had the slightest effect on the reputation that Mr. Trump, through his own words and actions, has already created for himself…if he believes that American citizens had no right to hear what these women had to say and that the law of this country forces us and those who would dare to criticize him to stand silent or be punished, we welcome the opportunity to have a court set him straight.” Oh, snap! For the full text, check out The New York Times’s Lawyer Responds to Donald Trump

For much of the past half-century, a balance had been struck. Both sides lived in an imperfect world of discretion…News organizations tried to make informed decisions about what to publish, weighing the risks to the nation and the benefits to the public, and the government held back from tracking down and prosecuting leakers except in the rarest of cases.There are the attempts by the White House to exclude unfriendly news organizations from public briefings, while allowing in journalists of the lap-dog variety. You will learn the difference between a “gaggle” and an official press conference. Of greater concern is the impact Trump is having with his daily attacks on the press, both domestically and internationally. McCraw became very familiar with such concerns as he wound up taking on the job of trying to get back Times people who had been kidnapped by diverse sorts abroad, or had been picked up by local governments. Some of this reads like a thriller.
It doesn’t really matter how much freedom the press has in a society if the press is not believed. A distrusted press is little different from a shackled press. It lacks the authority to mobilize public opinion against wrongdoing, corruption and misguided policy. It has no voice to hold governments accountable. It gets ignored. And I was pretty sure that at some point a disregard for the press would translate into a disregard for the law of press freedom.In addition, foreign autocrats are more than happy to chime in about “fake news” and the press being “the enemy of the people” whenever coverage of their questionable doings becomes too energetic, feeling that they not only have cover provided by the journalism-hostile US president, but that attacking the press will gain them points with the White House. This also presents added challenges to protecting American journalists abroad, when the State Department cannot be counted on to help.
I had resisted, in my raging moderate style, all those overheated comparisons to Nazi Germany that too many of my liberal friends offered up much too easily. Now I was no longer sure.
“A distrust of power is the ultimate conservative value,” McCraw says. “It used to be, at least.” In high school, McCraw attended a speech by Peter Arnett, the famed Vietnam war correspondent, at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. “Listening to what the reporters were going through to overcome disinformation coming from the Pentagon and military commanders, I found that really inspiring,” McCraw says.
In the time that he's president, he has really taken a different strategy, or expanded on a strategy he had used outside of lawyer letters before, and that is simply challenging the facts, and doing so publicly. As much as Donald Trump has talked about changing libel laws so it would be easier for people to sue, in fact, I think the greater danger is his attempts at delegitimizing the press, at encouraging people not to believe.
“Dealing with threats against journalists had become a sadly routine part of my work life, but each time a new one surfaced a feeling of discouragement about what the country had become would come over me again.”I hear that. But perhaps the country has always been this way, that even NYT readers are quick to show their [lack of] understanding about enormously important subjects that reach to our makeup as humans.
“Maybe we should be better at inculcating all citizens—now all potential publishers—with a sense of social responsibility…I continued to believe the risks that came with freedom were worth the price…I also believe The Times had been right, in its North Korea reporting and other sensitive national security stories, to give the government a chance to responds before publication. Many readers saw that process as a surrender…McCraw ’s book raises some thorny ethical questions and answers one newspaper’s take on many more.
“…It was important to debate whether The Times had been timid then or at other times, but context was important: our newsroom regularly decided that the government’s objections were too abstract, not believable, insufficiently weighty, or given by officials too far down the food chain to know, and then resolved to move ahead with publishing. But it’s not a science. Editors sometimes get it wrong. National security is intrinsically the hardest of the calls they have to make…If we are ever forced to defend against a criminal charge, I wanted our legal narrative to be one of responsibility, serious deliberation, and a demonstrable concern about the public’s best interests.”

Woe to that nation whose literature is disturbed by the intervention of power. Because that is not just a violation against freedom of print, it is a closing down of the heart of the nation, a slashing to pieces of its memory. The nation ceases to be mindful of itself, it is deprived of its spiritual unity, and despite a supposedly common language, compatriots suddenly cease to understand one another.
The war over press freedom was not going to be a fight about changing America's laws. It was going to be a fight about the very nature of truth, about who could capture the hearts and minds of the American people, about who got heard and who got believed. [p. 26]
It doesn't really matter how much freedom journalists have if no one believes them. A discredited press plays no role in shaping democracy and holding power accountable. [p. 275]