When Alex Haley’s (largely fictionalised) family history Roots, especially its late 1970s TV miniseries, prompted a back-to-Africa-to search-for-ancestors surge amongst African Americans, this was an acceleration of longer running ‘back to Africa’ movement. This is a movement we can see in the creation of the colony in Liberia, in Marcus Garvey’s ’Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League’, and in the wake of the 1960’s liberation struggles. Although in one key way, it was different: it became personal. Previous movements had been about a return to the motherland; in the wake of Haley this was a movement in search of the mother. A combination of the conversion of humans into commodities for trade and the social and cultural depredations of enslavement meant that many descendants of the enslaved could (can) barely trace their families back to a generation or two before emancipation, if that.
This mythification of descent, the fading of the family line into obscurity, can be seen as exacerbated by the tendency for histories of the slave trade to start at the coast, and to focus on the Middle Passage and what came next – enslavement in the Americas. Yet it is the coastline that continues to attract visitors – although when noted historian of Southern slavery Saidiya Hartman got there, to the famed Elmina Fort on the coast of Ghana, she found herself called obruni – stranger – as were all American visitors. Not only that, but they were easily identifiable as not Ghanaian. Hartman had gone to Ghana looking for the slave roads inland, the routes by which those to be traded with the Europeans – the Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, French, and English – were brought from the ‘heathen’ uplands in the north to the coast. As is the case so often, the process of othering, the classification of those who are ‘not us’, saw them cast as heathen non-believers and therefore of lower status.
What she finds instead is a place with a profoundly ambiguous, uncertain engagement with the slave trade. In part this is because Ghana has bigger, more pressing issues of the day – surviving the depredations of global neo-liberal impositions…. But it turns out there is an awful lot more going on. Along the way she uncovers and unpacks several other stands that problematize the African-Americans-coming-home narrative, not the least of which is that the middle class tourists, descendants of the enslaved, seem a lot better off than most Ghanaians. In parts this seems like an unpacking of a depressingly conventional conservative narrative – but that’s not Hartman’s way; her work often digs below the obvious in the manner of the quality cultural historian she is.
The narrative arc of the book takes on a very different form – from the opening family history of a maternal heritage in Alabama, and a paternal background in the Caribbean, through an uncertain negotiation of a relationship, or not, with the ‘tribe of the Middle Passage’, it is only when she ventures out from Accra and the coast that the more subtle and discomforting aspects emerge. The turning point, for me at least in the narrative, is her unpacking of the many meanings and forms of dungeon in the trade – those in the forts, the holds of ships, the contemporary perils of driving while black, and more, all maintaining the enslaved, the about to be enslaved, and the descendants of the enslaved in a form of non-humanity. It’s a compelling discussion because it is the place where Hartman realises that she cannot simply connect Ghana with Brooklyn or Oakland.
Leaving the coast, travelling north, takes her to two places – Salaga, in north central Ghana, a centre of the slave trade that was at its height of power and wealth throughout the 19th century, after the trans-Atlantic trade had been outlawed (although there are reports of slave ships into the later decades of that century). Much of Salaga’s wealth and power, up until the 1890s, in its final century of standing came from a network of enslavement throughout west Africa, only partly connected to the Atlantic trade. This was also an enslavement that took multiple forms only one of which was akin to chattel slavery and the commodification of humans. The second place is the small town of Gwolu – a 19th century fortified town set up and run by those who had successfully avoided enslavement.
Here were two complex engagements with slavery – one that saw a continuing engagement after the Atlantic trade had ended, but whose successors denied as being by and of them, and one that centred of successfully avoiding being captured. Hartman’s search for the slave roads turns out to have opened up a profoundly different understanding of the era, of the trade, of the people involved.
It’s a reminder of the vital need to get beyond the margins (or in this case, the coast), of the need for empathy and nuanced engagement with historical actors whose diversity undermines the all-too-common single narrative, and the dangers of imposing a single story on events that span a hemisphere and transcend several centuries. This is also a book the defies genre – the blurb calls it “historical travel writing”, which might work for marketing but it is life writing and historiographical commentary, with more than a little hint of the (auto)ethnographic; most of all, for me, it is piece of decolonial history.
It is also beautifully written, evoking a sense of place and time, where Hartman’s historical imagination allows her to craft moments of great empathy, balancing the horror with the resistance, those who fought back with those who hoped to survive. It is a book of elegance and eloquence, without losing the brutality, while reminding us that those who the slave trade left behind, untraded, are likely to see it in very different terms, even as they grapple with the global after effects of the changes the trade was a vital foundation for.
Smart and powerful, this is an essential perspective on memory, movements, mythification, and the quest for origins.