Most of the audience for Inventing A Nation: Washington, Adams, Jefferson is already familiar with much of its material. If you have enough interested to pick up a book about the early republic, as covered here in the administrations of our first three presidents, odds are you already know your way around the subject. All the big stories from the beginning are here — the Constitutional Convention, the Compromise of 1790 and the Assumption Bill, the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Louisiana Purchase — you know all this stuff already, right? So why bother with this book?
There are a few reason why you should read Mr. Vidal’s book, the first of which is that it’s totally free of American Exceptionalism, that virus that infected much of what passed for American History. Vidal writes about these guys as real men — active, self-interested politicians, not unlike the variety that we now know, and he interprets the material through that lens. He acknowledges that they (at least his principal characters) were not only competent, but more importantly, self-aware that they were acting out their careers at the beginning of something BIG, that they were living their lives on the lit stage of history. As such, they actively curated their own lives, actions, and papers with an eye toward posterity. Vidal takes many opportunities to point this out, as in this passage about Washington:
Reluctantly (apparent reluctance was his style whenever something desirable came his way) Washington had accepted the presidency of a joint Virginia Maryland company to develop the navigability of the Potomac River.
Vidal never lets you forget that he is writing about men, not demigods or marble statues.
Gore Vidal’s lived experience is the second thing that sets this volume apart. He was born into a politically active family — he was grandson to Senator Thomas Gore, and was tangentially related to Jacki Kennedy. He once ran for Congress himself. He knew, first hand, what motivated political choices, the personal ambition at its heart, and had a behind the scenes view of the patriotic gloss that then became politics public face. He knew all this too well to ever believe Mythic History as commonly taught. So when he wrote of the politics of our past, he didn’t deceive himself that it was substantially different from the present. (This isn’t so much a separate reason as it is an explanation why Vidal was not susceptible to American Exceptionalism.)
But for me, Gore Vidal’s voice is the driving reason for reading Inventing a Nation. It is sophisticated and earthy. He assumes his readers intelligence, never writing down to them. He writes with wit, and his arch style sets his work apart, as here:
Paradoxically, a later generation of pagan-minded fundamentalist chose to place an image of the optimist Jefferson on a Dakota cliff alongside the Father of the Gods, the Renewer of the Union, and the Proto-Imperialist, quite ignoring the truly American Adams who represented the tortured conscience of a nation sprung from bewitched soil, prone to devil belief and lately to bloody wars against serpentine evil everywhere forever wriggling its way through sacred gardens.
Finally, Vidal’s intellect and insight sometimes made him appear almost prescient. When writing about the Federalist obsession with war with France, he sums it up by explaining:
In the United States, dying political parties often make colorful departures.
In our own age of one of our major parties becoming a wholly owned subsidiary of MAGA Trump, this statement appears particularly apt.