3.5, if you're counting.
In "Republic of Suffering," Drew Faust (historian, former president of Harvard) prevents a valuable new way of understanding the Civil War: not only as a clash between armies and cultures, but as a revolution in how an entire country thought about death and dying. Before the war, peoples' understanding of death was well-formed and well-0rdered. They knew what death was, how to think about it, how to act in its presence, how to treat the deceased and comfort the bereaved, what was expected of them as Christians, what awaited them on the other side. In short, death in antebellum America had an essentially pastoral essence.
Faust sets up her study this way: "Civil War soldiers were... better prepared to die than to kill, for they lived in a culture that offered many lessons in how life should end... The concept of the Good Death was central to mid-nineteenth-century America, as it had long been at the core of Christian practice. Dying was an art, and the tradition of ars moriendi had provided rules of conduct for the moribund and their attendants since at least the fifteenth century: how to give up one’s soul “gladlye and wilfully” how to meet the devil’s temptations of unbelief, despair, impatience, and worldly attachment; how to pattern one’s dying on that of Christ; how to pray."
To make sense of how dramatic were the changes brought about by the war, it's important to have some sense of the historical context: Americans had fought brother against brother before, in the Revolution, but never in such numbers as during the Civil War. Likewise, American soldiers had fought wars, of course, but by and large these were professional soldiers. The Civil War, on the other hand, was fought primarily by volunteer citizen soldiers -- men who had never fought or killed before. What's more, they were facing new technologies that enabled the killing and maiming to be done at greater distances, with more precision, and in greater numbers.
Before the war, death was largely a domestic enterprise. Overwhelmingly, people died at home. Friends and family prayed with them and over them. Their last words were heard and treasured. After the first Bull Run battle, however, all that changed. Suddenly fathers, sons, brothers, husbands, were dying not at home but far away, their final words unrecorded, even unheard. Sometimes families were notified of the deaths of their loved ones -- typically by another soldier who has been with the deceased or a chaplain -- but it was far more common for them not to be told at all. There was no mechanism for doing so, particularly not when the dead numbered in the thousands. There wasn't even a system to record how many had died. What's more, many bodies couldn't be identified (artillery had made their bodies unrecognizable, nobody knew who they were, their comrades had had to go elsewhere, their corpses had been plundered as they lay on the field). Sometimes -- often -- there were so many bodies that, observers noted, one could traverse an entire field walking on corpses without once touching the ground. So many bodies that there was simply no place in which to bury them, even if someone could be found to do so.
There was, moreover, no clearly delineated place that was The Battlefield separate from everywhere else. Everyplace could be a battlefield. Everyplace could be death's courtyard. "Combat respected no boundaries, spreading across farms, fields, and orchards, into gardens and streets, presenting civilians with bodies in their front yards, in their wells, covering their corn or cotton fields."
Suddenly, a country that had such firm and polite notions about the end of life -- so well defined that women knew what clothing to wear at different stages of mourning (in April 1863, Lord & Taylor in New York City opened up a department dedicated entirely to mourning clothes) -- was confronted by chaos and devastating uncertainty. The truths and processes they had relied upon for generations was upended. "Americans North and South endured and even practiced ways of handling the dead that would previously have seemed unthinkable. Not only did these actions dishonor the slain by treating them more like animals than humans; they diminished the living, who found themselves abandoning commitments and principles that had helped to define their essential selves.
In short, the domestic way of dying had been transformed into "Death without dignity, without decency, without identity."
Faust traces these massive changes, showing the Old staggeringly, haltingly, giving way to the New. Showing how the incomprehensible numbers of casualties obliged the government to develop in the midst of things ways to count the dead, record their names, find ways to inter the bodies.
How families responded to: not knowing if their loved one was dead or alive, wounded or captured, to the notices (if they arrived at all) that their husband/father/son/brother had been killed far away but there was no body to bury because nobody knew where it was. How they would often make their way to far-off battle grounds to search for them, or hire someone to do so.
How religious beliefs were deeply shaken by the vast scale of it all -- primarily in the North, as it happens: "Most former Confederates would suppress their doubts and return to religious belief and observance. Churches grew dramatically in the South in the years after the Civil War, setting the stage for the region’s emergence as the Bible Belt in the twentieth century."
How the war brought about an explosion of desperate interest in spiritualism, of seances (the Lincolns are believed to have attended some), and the publication of nearly a hundred books about heaven in the decade after the war alone.
She writes of mass graves and efforts by civilian organizations to disinter and identify the bodies, notify their families, and find a way to ship the remains home. Of how Congress, in 1862, gave the president the authority to purchase grounds to be used as national cemeteries. Of how even that wasn't enough -- after the eponymous battle, for example: "David Wills, a Gettysburg lawyer, arranged to purchase seventeen acres adjoining an existing graveyard. In October contracts were let for the reburial of Union soldiers in the new ground at a rate of $1.59 for each body. In November Lincoln journeyed to help dedicate the new Soldiers’ National Cemetery." (Wills was never fully repaid.)
How in July 1864 Congress passed an act establishing a special graves registration unit to handle casualties. How it was decided that the South would have to deal with their fallen without aid from the North: Confederate bodies would have no place in national cemeteries, no money would be appropriated for their disinterment, identification, transport, or reburial -- leaving Southerners (primarily women) to find ways to do it on their own. Unsurprisingly, this led to a lot of resentment in the former Confederacy. Union corpses were "molested." Southerners who sought to treat the corpses of Union soldiers out of a sense of Christian duty were themselves killed. A Union graveyard was completely leveled, the land used to construct a racecourse.
In time this would all lead to the creation of the Lost Cause myth, a way of arguing that the men of the South hadn't died for nothing.
As "Republic of Suffering" shows, the Civil War was America's first exposure to massive numbers of war deaths, new military technologies, and large citizen armies. In private homes, churches (yes, and synagogues), community gatherings, in the halls of government and the ethos of a nation, the war completely changed how Americans respond to the casualties of war: "The absence of next-of-kin notification, of graves registration procedures, of official provision for decent burial all seem to us unimaginable, even barbaric. The Civil War ended this neglect and established policies that led to today’s commitment to identify and return every soldier killed in the line of duty."