In the name of world peace
In the name of world profits
America pumps up our secret police
America wants fuel
To get it, it needs puppets
So what's ten million dead if it's keeping out the Russians?
The Dead Kennedys, Bleed for Me, 1982
In the 1980s, I completely agreed with the Dead Kennedys. America was a pumped-up superpower locked in an amoral fight against the Soviet Union for world supremacy. It was ruled by violent, right-wing ideologues determined to crush freedom in Latin America. Ronald Reagan’s comments on the “evil empire” could just as easily be swung around and pointed backwards. Well, one of the pleasures of growing old is that you get used to the idea of eating your words. I now have to admit that the world is a little more complicated than that. Indeed, the US often embraced questionable right-wing regimes who violated the human rights of their peoples in the name of holding off left-wing regimes that would do the same. But I don’t think that the idea of moral equivalency between the former Soviet Union and the United States holds water. Democracy versus communism: it’s an easy choice. And it’s a complicated world.
Peter Baker and Susan Glasser, the authors of this book, take on that complicated world in their biography of James Baker III, a mover, fixer, shaker and statesmen who seemed to be everywhere in the background during those times. It is a mostly favourable account of someone who was seen as a pragmatic Republican, someone for whom signatures on an agreement were more important than the details of whose ideas prevailed. Baker ran five Republican presidential campaigns and held three cabinet positions under Ronald Reagan and George Bush. During that time, as someone who regularly crossed the aisle for bipartisan support, something almost unheard of now, he made many deals that angered the more ideological parts of his party. Here’s a quote from Ronald Reagan that describes that approach, “I’d rather get 80% of what I want than go over a cliff with my flags flying.”
To briefly summarize the story. James Baker III was born into a rich Texas family in 1930 and became a part of the generation in the southern U.S. who switched from Democrat to Republican. There, the young corporate lawyer became friends with a young George Bush. His life as a corporate lawyer came to an end with the death of his first wife, which seems to have transformed him. He accepted his friend Bush’s offer to help him run for the Senate in Texas. Although Bush lost, he became the United States’ ambassador to the United Nations under President Nixon and then China under President Ford.
Bush’s coattails were long enough that Baker became Undersecretary of Commerce under Ford in 1975. Three things of note happened. Dick Cheney was Ford’s Chief of Staff and Baker and Cheney became friends and rivals for life. Cheney was of the hard right while Baker of the more mushy middle, but they were hunting buddies. Baker also got to know the President, who he impressed, and so Baker was asked to run his campaign for reelection in 1976. First, they held off a Reaganite attack on the right to get the Republican nomination, but then they lost the election against Jimmy Carter.
Two more election losses followed. In 1976, Baker lost a race for a Senate seat in Texas, and he ran George Bush’s losing campaign for the Republican nomination for President in 1980.
However, the last losing campaign was translated into success. Baker ended up running the Presidential debates for the Republican side during Reagan’s campaign against Carter, George Bush was named as Reagan’s vice-presidential nominee, and when Reagan won, Baker was named his Chief of Staff. As his Chief of Staff, Baker ran the White House and made many personnel decisions. He and Bush were moderates in a seemingly right wing government and faced many challenges from that side, but Baker was a very crafty bureaucratic infighter. He was good at giving conservatives seemingly prominent positions that actually had little power and then sidelining them with his own people in his own interest. He became known as the “Velvet Hammer,” and as a prodigious leaker to the press to get his own side of the story front and centre. He had to put in place the tax cuts, government spending cuts and military spending increases that Reagan wanted and that he had helped to label “Voodoo Economics” when he was in charge of Bush’s campaign, but he did it by compromising with Democrats to get bipartisan support. When Reagan was shot, Baker helped to cover up the extent of his injuries and kept Reagan officially in charge of the country all through his recovery. He kept the right wing from banning abortion or abolishing the Department of Education, but Oliver North and the support for the Contras in Nicaragua with financing from Iran, which later became known as the Iran-Contra scandal, happened under his nose. He allowed Nancy Reagan to control the President’s schedule through consultation with an astrologist without opposition, but at the same time, he got Sandra Day-O’Connor, the first woman appointed to the Supreme Court. The criticism of Baker was that he was cynical and manipulative and always out for his own interest, but he would probably say that he didn’t try to change what he couldn’t change and tried to strike a deal when he could.
Generally, the 1980s were a conservative time. Inequality soared, as the rich got richer and the poor got poorer. There was Gordon Gecko and Wall Street and crack cocaine. Just say No. At the same time, Baker’s second wife, Susan, along with Al Gore’s wife, Tipper, were founders of the Moral Majority, a conservative group that railed against rock and pop music and its corrupting influence on youth. They were successful in pushing for warning labels on records so that parents would know what their children were listening to. I hated them with a passion and still do.
When Reagan won a second term, Baker became Secretary of the Treasury. I’ll give you three of his major accomplishments. The tax code was rewritten to make it simpler and “fairer”, with bipartisan support. He negotiated with the Japanese and Europeans to lower the high American dollar to reduce the trade deficit, Finally, he personally negotiated with the Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney to reach a final agreement on the free trade agreement between Canada and the U.S., which was a precursor to NAFTA. I opposed that agreement but I have since come to see it has advantages as well as disadvantages. Anyway, when Baker left as Treasury Secretary, the US economy was humming with 5.6% unemployment and 4% annual growth, even with a president who had developed Alzheimer’s disease.
Baker successfully ran George Bush’s campaign for president in 1988 against Michael Dukakis. The campaign was characterized by Republican race-baiting, particularly over the Willie Horton affair. Baker remained unapologetic.
After the campaign, George Bush made his friend James Baker the American Secretary of State. The most important thing that happened was that America won the Cold War. The Americans took a long time to respond to Soviet Perestroika and their huge cuts in their conventional and nuclear forces in Europe, but they eventually realized that Gorbachev was serious. The hawks in the administration, particularly Dick Cheney, who was Minister of Defense, argued that there could be a coup in the Soviet Union and Gorbachev could be replaced by a hardliner, so the Americans should take maximum advantage of the situation. He was partially correct in the short and long term, but the mutual arms reductions and relaxation of tension were a great victory for the world. Baker became good friends with Eduard Shevardnadze, the Soviet Foreign Minister. Germany was reunified, despite the fears of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and with the blessing of the Soviet government.
Then there was the first Gulf War. Iraq invaded and occupied its rich neighbor, Kuwait, taking control of its oil fields. When the Americans prepared to go to war to reclaim Kuwait, Baker went on a world tour to get support. He got America’s allies to mostly pay for it, he got the Russians to agree to it, and he kept the Israelis out of it. When the Americans and their allies routed the Iraqi forces, hawks in the American government (Dick Cheney) urged Bush to go to Baghdad and overthrow the Iraqi government. The decision to stop at the border seems prescient now. Baker made lots of friends in the Gulf region and remains a legend there.
In 1989, when the Chinese Communist government crushed a democracy uprising in Tiananmen Square, with hundreds or thousands of casualties, Bush and Baker counselled caution. They warned the Chinese generally, but also generally chose pragmatic relations over democracy. Congress wanted sanctions, but Baker and Bush avoided them.
Baker again ran Bush’s presidential campaign in 1992 against Bill Clinton, and they lost. Out of power, Baker joined several corporate boards to cash in, including the Carlyle Group. He thought about running for president himself, but didn’t.
When George Bush the younger ran for president in 2000, Baker was not invited to participate. However, when the election ran into trouble in Florida, Baker was called in to run the recount team for the Republicans. The outcome of the national presidential election depended on about one thousand votes in Florida, Baker did everything he could to bring in the results for Bush junior, and he delivered. Much has been written about this episode as a shameful episode of partisanship, or a situation rigged by Jeb Bush, George’s brother, who was the Republican governor of Florida. I’m not Republican or Democrat: I am a Canadian, and as such, all I can say is that the method that the Americans use to run their elections is chaotic, unpredictable, unfair, and desperately in need of being regularized and updated.
Then came 9/11 and Dick Cheney, Baker’s old friend, was now vice-president and Donald Rumsfeld was Secretary of Defense. Baker’s voice was nowhere to council moderation. He wrote a kind of weak op-ed saying that better conditions for the invasion of Iraq needed to be met, but was ignored. Disaster ensued. By 2006, the situation in Iraq was so bad that he was asked to lead the Iraq Study group, a bipartisan committee to look into the Iraq War. A committee of elder statesmen, their voices were mostly ignored. Now he was a has-been.
The authors present Baker as a fixer and a statesman who wants to be remembered as a statesman. He ran five presidential campaigns and held three cabinet-level positions. He was a skilled bureaucratic infighter and a generally moderate voice in a Republican Party that seems to have become even more extreme since then. He represented a vanishing middle in American politics. He said that you can consider that you have had a successful Washington career if you leave unindicted, and he did that. He played hardball domestically, smearing Willie Horton and stickhandling a perhaps-rigged Florida vote count to win the presidency. He could also be gracious in victory, leaving the Russians room to maneuver and avoiding the trap of an Iraq invasion. Ultimately, he was a pragmatic part of an ideological team of people who moved America to the right and have arguably been the most influential voices of the past forty years. Personally, I think a lot of it has been for the worse: the rich have become richer and the poor have become more marginalized. It looks like democracy in the United States may be genuinely under threat from the extremes of the left and right alike. I hope that the United States can find more politicians interested in finding consensus and reaching across political divides to do what’s best for the country.