The year is 1937, and yet another black blizzard screams across the Southern Plains. A lonely farmhouse stands in its path. Pushed onward by sixty miles-per-hour winds, the dark cloud surges forward; an Oklahoma farmer ducks inside the house just before he is overtaken by the immense, billowing black cloud of choking dust. Leaning against the door, heart pounding, watching his wife light candles as the outside light diminishes to practically nothing, the farmer and his family can only wait out the storm. How long? The storm could go on for two hours, or two days. The drought parching the Southern Plains is now in its sixth year, and no relief is in sight. Again, the farmer wonders, how long? How long before his family, like so many others, is driven from the farm by the wrath of nature?
Dust Bowl, by Donald Worster, is the story of those people who farmed the Southern Plains throughout the Depression decade of the 1930s. But it is also the story of the larger society the Dust Bowl farmers lived in, and the ecological consequences for the Southern Plains. From the beginning, Worster holds nothing back in describing how American society and the Dust Bowl are connected. He writes:
The Dust Bowl took only 50 years to accomplish. It cannot be blamed on illiteracy or overpopulation or social disorder. It came about because the culture was operating in precisely the way it was supposed to. Americans blazed their way across a richly endowed continent with a ruthless, devastating efficiency unmatched by any people anywhere. (4)
The ecological effects of American culture operating on the Southern Plains are clear:
Some environmental catastrophes are nature’s work, others the slowly accumulating effects of ignorance or poverty. The Dust Bowl, in contrast, was the inevitable outcome of a culture that deliberately, self-consciously, set itself to the task of dominating and exploiting the land for all it was worth. (4)
To complete his argument, Worster contends that the causes of the Dust Bowl and the Great Depression are one and the same: the capitalist system.
In arguing his case, Worster starts by identifying the causes of the dust storms of the 1930s, and what those storms were like for residents of the Southern Plains. Powerful photographs, combined with a stirring narrative, help the reader conjure up images of daily life for farmers and townspeople alike. Those families that persevered through the years of the Dust Bowl evince a grim determination to survive and prosper despite adversity. However, this admirable determination served to mask the inherent weaknesses in the capitalist system on the Southern Plains. Farmers were convinced that “It was drought, and drought alone, that had made the Dust Bowl” (42) and others even denied the Dust Bowl’s existence because to acknowledge disaster meant giving up on the future of the land. But Dust Bowl residents were not the only ones to blame for the ecological disaster of the 1930s: “Unbounded optimism about the future, careless disregard of nature’s limits and uncertainties . . . all these were national as well as regional characteristics.” (43)
In the Dust Bowl, these national characteristics were exemplified by the move toward an exploitative agricultural system featuring tractors, one-crop specialization, tenant farmers, and soil abuse. This agribusiness system of farming, combined with the wildly unpredictable variations in rainfall on the Southern Plains, created a situation of ecological disequilibrium: “There were no restrictions in nature that man must observe; on the contrary, all ecological limits were simply challenges to be overcome by human energy.” (82) The results of this attitude favoring overexpansion to create wealth were foreshadowed by the disaster that hit the cattle industry in 1885-86: “Altogether, their hegemony had lasted a scant two decades before it self-destructed. Had anyone cared to notice then, it was a foretaste of later developments on the plains.” (83) A severe winter killed the cattle, but the disaster was made possible by overuse of the land. Fifty years later the words winter and cattle were replaced with drought and crops, but nothing else had changed.
At this point Worster deepens his arguments with in-depth case studies of Cimarron County, Oklahoma and Haskell County, Kansas. There is statistical analysis of the impact of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) on farming in Haskell County. This analysis shows that even in the AAA programs designed to bring relief to farmers, large capitalists had the advantage. One-crop farmers received higher benefits than diversified farmers under AAA programs, and the more land held, the higher the relief benefits. In addition, to continue to qualify for relief, farmers had to continue planting wheat, the crop most responsible for producing soil erosion in the first place.
After these individual case studies, Dust Bowl deals with facing up to the limits imposed by the landscape. Despite the agricultural overproduction of the 1920s that helped cause a disastrous drop in farm prices, “America had not yet had enough of plenty – it never would. The new emphasis on the limits of expansion brought the loudest protests from Western agriculturalists.” (187) As rains returned in the 1940s, bringing successful wheat crops and prosperity with them, Western farmers began to chafe at the conservation restraints imposed during the New Deal: “The voice of two-dollar wheat is far more persuasive than scientific facts on wind, rain, sun, and soil.” (226) Caught in the vice-like grip of capitalism, farmers once again bowed the knee before the altar of prosperity. The result? In March of 1954, another black blizzard clouded the skies from Texas north to the Canadian border. Fortunately, enough rain fell to avert a full-scale replay of the 1930s, but 1954-1957 saw severe wind erosion on the Great Plains. Land use planning and technological improvements did not significantly alter the balance of land overuse and ecological damage. The land was still a resource to be exploited. This leads Worster to conclude:
This, then, is the agriculture that America offers the world: producing an incredible bounty in good seasons, using staggering quantities of machines and fossil fuels to do so, exuding confidence in man’s technological mastery over the earth, running along the thin edge of disaster. (234)
He could have added that Western farmers used staggering amounts of water for irrigation to produce this bounty as well. Indeed, he does so at other points in Dust Bowl, and in his later book Rivers of Empire, he takes up this argument with a vengeance.
Two things are most impressive about Dust Bowl; the coherence and clarity of the argument, and the style of the narrative. Worster’s proof is clearly laid out for all to see, and the quality of the writing is tremendous. Drawn into the story in the first chapter, the reader is continually presented with anecdotes and facts that convincingly support Worster’s thesis. The photographs are excellent, and Dust Bowl contains useful maps of the region as well. By linking the events of the Dust Bowl with related events both before and after, Worster demonstrates the continuity of cultural response on which his argument is based. The one area I wish was developed more fully is the relationship between technology, land use, and the capitalist system in the Dust Bowl. Another item Worster might revise looking back is his claim on page 77 that Indians did not drastically alter the ecology of the Southern Plains. Finally, Worster’s rather gloomy portrayal of the Dust Bowl may not resonate with readers of an optimistic persuasion. However, that is one point that Dust Bowl is trying to get across: unbounded optimism that disregards science and history in an environmental danger of the worst kind.