A little caution is required in approaching this book, published first in 1948 and then again in a revised edition in 1966, but it has some significant merits.
The caution arises from it being a book by an exiled Russian Menshevik opposed to the Bolshevik faction who was not present during the 1917 Revolution and who is writing from the US at the peak period of the Cold War. It also includes no research after the date of revision.
So, why is it on the reading list? Partly because Shub was part of the pre-revolutionary Marxist social democrat community and understands what he is studying, partly because the book is filled with clearly well evidenced factual material and partly because he strikes me as honest.
Taking the caution as read, Shub appears to paint a fair warts and all picture of what I allowed myself to be quoted to Russian TV journalists recently as the 'greatest professional revolutionary in history'. Shall we start with the negative or the positive? I think the negative first.
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (aka Lenin) was a monomaniac whose cold ruthlessness showed a remarkable disregard for the effects of his mission. He treated adult human beings as a means to an end with consummate cynicism even if his ends were (theoretically) noble.
The degree of absolute personal will bears comparison with a younger politician - Adolf Hitler. Both appeared to have a remarkable capacity to take possibly life-terminating risks and neither can be said to have lacked personal courage.
If anyone has any doubt about Lenin's ruthlessness, it can be found in his role as political organised crime boss (to raise funds before the revolution), his cynical collaboration with the Germans, his conduct towards the Russian Constituent Assembly and his advocacy of terror.
After that, it might seem difficult to say anything positive about him but Shub still manages, fairly, to point out that the private man was not a dullard (except about the arts), could sustain friendships and maintain a rather modern polyamorous relationship.
Still, and this is where a dash of doubt about Shub's polemic comes in, Shub is good on the man and his circle and the machinations of politicians but one senses that he has forgotten why Lenin existed and what little choice he had once a personal decision for social change had been taken.
There is, of course, the matter of an original psychological flaw - from his deep personal response to the arbitrary state murder of his brother arose something like a lust for revenge that he cloaked in ideology and in an alternate morality unrecognisable to most people.
There is an interesting question why the a-moral ends-directed politics of revolutionary international and national socialism emerged to wreak such destruction at this time. I have my ideas but not for this review.
What has to be admitted in the case of Lenin (regardless of the fact that Bolshevik brutality would prove more bloody and terrible than anything Tsarist since the days of Ivan) was that he would not have existed if it were not for an incompetent, thuggish and arbitrary regime.
The point was not that his brother was murdered but why he was murdered. His idealist middle class brother was part of a generation that seemed to show that Tsarism had left the vast majority in hopeless misery and was not reformable.
There could be many conclusions to this which are played out in the various factions that would sit in the Duma or just outside it but the Bolshevik one - of a seizure of power by the selfless representatives leading edge of the poorest in society was not intrinsically an incorrect analysis.
What does not really come out in Shub's book is just how awful the condition of the Russian people was in 1917 (indeed had been for centuries) and how urban intellectuals seemed not to understand that hunger must lead to rage and revenge.
We have already reviewed Kut Hamsun's 1890 book which was set in Norway, far more developed than Russia, What is striking about that book is not just the gnawing physical pain of the hungry but the resentment, hatred and desire for revenge on the community.
The Bolsheviks, like the National Socialists later, tapped deep into this justifiable rage, hatred and resentment that had long since moved on from the 'opiate' of religion. Therein lay the genius of Lenin - to use his high intelligence to create an infrastructure that could focus this rage.
There was nothing inevitable about the Bolshevik seizure of power. Any establishment under any normal circumstances can feel reasonably sure that, although a different type of middle class may dominate, the middle class will always command the masses. So it is in the West today.
In early 1917, Lenin was just a has-been around whom events were happening. His path to dictatorship was not only one of ruthless determination, making his own luck, but of complacency by every other faction not only towards a 'man of will' but towards that rage in the working classes.
Rage could be manipulated by Lenin over the heads of even soldiers and peasants to eliminate a constitutional democracy which was still paradigmatically persisting in sending men to their deaths in war and failing to provide cheap bread.
Stage by stage Shub takes you through every critical step that took Lenin from the Finland Station to the Kremlin and, as his toughened and disciplined crew won each victory, Bolshevism grew in power until (under Trotsky) it could even crush the radical-democratic Kronstadt sailors.
The lesson is an awe-inspiring one that has inspired the wilful from Hitler to Saddam. When a people is angry (a lesson for today), the professional revolutionary prepared to take risks can out-class every amateur so long as they are prepared to commit any act to get to the top.
And this, again, is why we have to pause and ask (as Lenin did) some hard questions about our 'bourgeois morality' because he was not seeking power for himself but working himself into the ground and taking risks with his life for the people. He was seen as a hero later because he was one.
He seems to have been a man who recognised his own mistakes when he made them and to have reversed direction so long as it never got in the way of the communist dream. This was essentially one of bread and leisure for all the peoples of the world. His internationalism is not in doubt.
At this point in history, we now know two things about the Soviet experiment. It achieved spectacular results in terms of life chances for the working class at immense human cost for a significant, mostly middle class but also peasant, minority. Second, it failed miserably.
The Soviet experiment is never a simple matter of good and evil despite the best efforts of American propagandists. It was a failed experiment, one that was based on human rights crimes (a 'bourgeois concept' of course) but one which did get a people from A to B in double quick time.
Romantic liberals and democratic socialists persist in claiming that either a Stolypin-type capitalism under a 'good Tsar' or a democratic Constituent Assembly might have had better results but I have my doubts. The condition of the Russian masses required drastic action.
Many people, especially intellectuals and the middle classes, would have been vastly more comfortable if Lenin had never existed but could the same be said of the vast mass of the population (taking the Great Patriotic War out of the equation)? I am not sure at all.
Lenin raises some uncomfortable questions but the most uncomfortable of all is often evaded. Are middle class socialist intellectuals actually concerned at all about the condition of the masses? Their good will is not in doubt but amelioration is rarely at their own expense.
The question is important because believing that you can change something or wanting to change something is not the same as actually having an effect. It may be that, if not Lenin, then radically globalised capitalism may be more useful than liberal-socialist tinkering for the very poor.
Radical global capitalism destroys elites, creates a new middle class from below, develops an educated working class and provides the means to build roads and railroads that get food from resource rich to resource poor areas. So did Bolshevism - social democracy often just manages.
Russia desperately needed these changes. A dim-witted self-regarding landowning elite was getting in the way. It had to be removed and fast. Nobody else succeeded in all the years before 1917 and those who did succeed in 1917 failed to bring peace and bread.
So, unlike Hitler, whose entirely potty racial theory damns him in the eyes of history as much as his propensity to warfare and mass murder, we find ourselves with a man in Lenin who is more morally ambiguous. He is a monster who only exists because middle class liberals fail.
The book is valuable because of the amount of contemporary evidence Shub provides including an Appendix of selections from Lenin's writings that demonstrate incontrovertibly that his ruthlessness was ideological as much as pragmatic or driven by circumstances.
Although ostensibly about a man, by the nature of things, Shub makes it a tale of one significant Revolution. However, the other revolutionaries are (wrongly, of course) bit players in this particular history and lots of questions remain unanswered.
Shub does not help us to understand how Bolshevik power was constructed, why Lenin held such a hold over men his colleagues, to what degree social and economic conditions (and external threats) forced the pace of brutality or even whether the revolutionary elite were driven by their base.
But those are for another book by another man. For anyone wanting an informed (albeit to be read with a critical eye) political biography of Lenin, you could do worse than this one. The game now should be never to allow in the first place the conditions that would allow another Lenin to exist.