The Jefferson Administration, over the course of its first term, is the subject of this, the fourth volume of Dumas Malone’s epic six-volume biography of Thomas Jefferson. With his customary thoroughness, Malone examines the first four years of Jefferson’s time as Third President of the United States of America.
Malone, a University of Virginia historian, may well have been the biographer that Jefferson himself would have wanted. In painstaking detail, and with a decided sense of sympathy for Jefferson as subject, Malone had set forth Jefferson’s prior life in three prior volumes. Jefferson the Virginian (1948) treated Jefferson’s early life in the Charlottesville area and his work during the Revolutionary era (1743-84); Jefferson and the Rights of Man (1951) covered Jefferson’s initial post-Revolutionary work in public service, including his time as Minister to France (1784-92); and Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty (1962) centered around Jefferson’s beginnings as a leader of the new Democratic-Republican party, and his opposition to the Federalist policies of the U.S.A.’s second president, John Adams.
Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801-1805 (1970) begins with Jefferson having defeated Adams’s bid for re-election in the exceptionally hard-fought election of 1800 – the first time in American history that control of the U.S. government had passed from one political party to another – and moves forward to examine how Jefferson and his administration addressed the challenges of that time.
Sympathetic to Jefferson as always, Malone writes that Jefferson “was notable in his time, and has been ever since, for his confidence in the common-sense judgment of the people generally.” Malone holds that Jefferson’s approach did not constitute popularity-seeking; rather, he felt that “Governors and government had to be supported, and reliance must be placed on public approbation if it was not placed on force, which he detested….To say that he wanted his government to be popular is another way of saying that he wanted it to be supported” (p. 100).
It was during Jefferson’s first term that the charges of an illicit relationship between Jefferson and Sally Hemings first came to light, courtesy of one James Thomson Callender, a scurrilous journalist whom Jefferson had employed for his newspaper battles against the Federalists. Nowadays, we are so used to hearing about Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings that it is easy to forget that in 1970, when this book was published, entertaining in print the reports of a relationship between the two was almost a taboo.
Malone turns to the subject of the Sally Hemings accusations with evident distaste, and dismisses the charges as “distinctly out of character, being virtually unthinkable in a man of Jefferson’s moral standards and habitual conduct….[W]hile he might occasionally have fallen from grace, as so many men have done so often, it is virtually inconceivable that this fastidious gentleman whose devotion to his dead wife’s memory and to the happiness of his daughters and grandchildren bordered on the excessive could have carried on through a period of years a vulgar liaison which his own family could not have failed to detect” (p. 214).
Here, and in an appendix titled “The Miscegenation Legend,” Malone does his best to dismiss these charges; but even he must acknowledge that, at the time, there was no solid evidence regarding the paternity of Sally Hemings’s children. Much has changed since those times, of course, especially since the 1998 study that provided DNA evidence that Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings did indeed have children together. It is probably no accident that women historians like Fawn Brodie (Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History, 1974) and Annette Gordon-Reed (Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, 1998) took the lead in writing Sally Hemings back into history, even before the results of that DNA study were announced.
The Louisiana Purchase is generally acknowledged as the greatest achievement of the Jefferson Administration. By purchasing the Louisiana Territory from Napoleonic France, Jefferson doubled the size of the young United States of America, adding 828,000 square miles to the young country at a bargain-basement price of $15 million (or $18 per square mile). With the stroke of a pen, American sovereignty extended over part or all of what would one day be the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Missouri, Kansas, Colorado, Iowa, Nebraska, Wyoming, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Minnesota – even parts of what are now the Canadian provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta.
It was a masterstroke of American foreign policy – even if it happened almost by accident (the Americans wanted only to buy the port of New Orleans), and even if it represented a step away from Jefferson’s traditional policy of limited presidential power. Fortunately for the future history of the world, Jefferson put aside his small-government scruples and made the most of an unexpected but welcome opportunity.
The Louisiana Purchase was a most happy time for President Thomas Jefferson. Malone writes, aptly, that “Jefferson was to meet with other difficulties which would take the edge off his satisfaction, but beyond doubt he was now at the peak of his presidential career” (p. 302)
Those who enjoy reading about the messy “sausage-making” aspect of American politics – the Washington elite engaged in the perpetual local sport of back-biting and back-stabbing along the Potomac – will enjoy reading about the intrigues of Aaron Burr, the thoroughly unscrupulous New Yorker who served as Jefferson’s Vice-President during the great Virginian’s first term.
Knowing, as the election of 1804 drew near, that he was being nudged off the Jefferson ticket, Burr decided to run for governor of the state of New York, making along the way a series of free-lance, seat-of-the-pants alliances with anyone, whether Democratic-Republican or Federalist, who he thought might help him remain in elected office and thus stay in the game. Burr’s allies even included some disgruntled New England Federalists who spoke of taking their six-state region out of the Union!
Jefferson was not the only one who was concerned at Burr’s agent-of-chaos maneuverings: so was Jefferson’s long-time archrival Alexander Hamilton, who “was so alarmed that he actively opposed Burr, using language which occasioned, in the summer, the most famous of American duels and the loss to the Federalist party of its greatest mind” (p. 405). That well-known duel of 11 July 1804 at Weehawken, New Jersey, killed Hamilton and put an effective end to Aaron Burr's career as an elected official.
Yet the duel at Weehawken did not put an end to Burr's ability to cause trouble for Thomas Jefferson. Burr had been a sort of nemesis to Jefferson before: In the 1800 election, Jefferson and Burr, albeit on the same ticket, managed to achieve a first-place tie in the Electoral College, and it took 36 ballots (!) before Jefferson was selected over Burr as Third President of the United States of America. And Burr would be a Jefferson nemesis again, during Jefferson’s second term; Burr's alleged interest in separating Western territories from the U.S.A. and forming a new Southwestern republic resulted in his arrest as a traitor, and in an historic treason trial.
Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801-1805 ends with Jefferson’s resounding victory in the 1804 presidential election, and with the re-elected Jefferson beginning his second term as President. As with many other American presidents, Jefferson’s second term did not go as well as his first – a story that the diligent and conscientious Malone would explore in the next volume of this biography.