An exhaustive biography of the third president’s life is difficult to fit into one volume, and Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation certainly could have been broken up into multiple lengthy books.
This work of nonfiction is an excellent resource for nearly every aspect of Jefferson’s public and private lives. Beginning with his early life in mid-eighteenth century Albemarle County, the esteemed historian Merrill D. Peterson walks readers through Jefferson’s law training under George Wythe and the attentiveness to detail invested in the planning and construction of Monticello. Based largely on the ideas of Italian architect Adrian Palladio, this project’s initial phase took over a decade to complete. The desire to maintain a natural aesthetic in Monticello’s layout was a common thread running throughout its planning.
Considering the book’s one thousand plus page length, there are not many aspects of Jefferson's early, middle, or late life that go unremarked upon. Even the story of a brief romance with Rebecca Burwell, a fling prior to his marriage with Martha which ended in the future president’s ultimate rejection, is not overlooked in Thomas Jefferson and The New Nation.
The outbreak of conflict with England naturally consumes quite a few pages.
Jefferson’s 1769 ascension to Virginia’s House of Burgesses serves as precursor to a growing foray into politics, one which leads to him finding a voice in the debates over separation from England. Although the two shared differences, his efforts largely coincided with fellow Virginian Patrick Henry’s in this regard. Six years later--at the age of just 32--Jefferson’s call to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia ultimately led to his high regarded writing skills being called on to draft the Declaration of Independence.
Unfortunately, his time as Virginia’s governor was marred by the British invasion. Turning their efforts southward after stalemate in the northeastern colonies, the likes of Banastre Tarleton, Benedict Arnold, and Charles Cornwallis at first scored huge successes in the south. As Virginia’s defenses fell, Governor Jefferson (who was responsible for having the militia prepared to fight) and his family were even forced to flee the state capital, with the governor barely evading capture and being forced to face down accusations of cowardice in the face of the approaching British enemy.
Although Monticello was spared, Jefferson’s Elk Hill plantation was ransacked by enemy soldiers.
Following American victory in the Revolutionary War, Jefferson had the first of two withdrawals from retirement. With his wife Martha’s passing one year after the war’s conclusion, he was willing to embrace the distraction of appointment as representative to France. Tasked with improving the new nation’s relations with European governments, Jefferson was in France at the outbreak of their own 1789 revolution. Strongly supportive of the democracy movement, he pushed back against opponents critical of the growing mob violence. Jefferson felt these were merely birthing pains on the way to an embracing of democracy, although he departed Paris with his appointment as the nation’s first Secretary of State before the violence really reached its peak.
Tug of war with Federalists defined Jefferson’s time as President Washington’s Secretary of State. His disagreements with Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton over how to handle state debts and establishment of a National Bank were only tips of the iceberg when it came to the growing chasm between Federalists and Jeffersonian republicans. The establishment of early factions (political parties) can be traced to Jefferson’s struggles against Hamilton in the Cabinet, and this spilled over into the foreign policy sphere when it came to either supporting France or England. Washington chose to issue a Proclamation of Neutrality, but debates over the Jay Treaty made clear Federalist support for England was pitted against Francophiles’ opposition.
The author documents Jefferson’s years as Secretary of State, and, following the 1796 election, as the second vice-president, with ample care. Estrangement from John Adams, his own president, could largely be chalked up to the clash with Federalists.
Even petty issues came into play in spats with Federalists. Maryland Federalist Attorney General Luther Martin attempted to smear Jefferson with accusations that he took the side of Native Americans over white settlers after the public outcry over the murder of Native American Chief Cresap’s family members.
His push to ensure a Bill of Rights were added to the new Constitution was not the only action he and James Madison took which angered many Federalists and chafed President Adams.
The two men spearheaded drafting of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions after passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts, essentially endorsing nullification and interposition on the part of state governments against federal laws they viewed as unconstitutional. This position, one which took away the Supreme Court’s ability to be final arbiter of constitutionality, was an extreme one which ultimately would be wielded with disastrous results by slaveholders several decades later.
His letter to Philip Mazzei, thought to be private but later leaked, featured jabs at Federalists which caused both Washington and Adams to become suspicious of Jefferson’s true loyalties.
The growing national schisms only further intensified thanks to the controversial 1800 election. The Electoral College tie with Aaron Burr ruined Adams’s reelection chances, and the ensuing wheeling and dealing in the House of Representatives officially elected Jefferson but, thanks to Alexander Hamilton’s intervention against Burr, further added to the young country’s divides. The retelling of the 1800 election makes for great reading, and Peterson uses his knack for writing to skillfully tell this story.
Jefferson’s ascension to the presidency wraps up the book’s massive first section, and there is seemingly little that is not discussed in the course of this richly detailed but immensely readable prose.
Despite much of his pre presidential years being devoted to national causes, Peterson’s version of Jefferson appears more interested in shaping Virginia’s post-revolutionary government than that of the nation’s at large. As a member of the state’s House of Delegates he appeared very hands-on in shaping the state constitution. Jefferson requested that The Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom be listed on his gravestone as a top lifetime accomplishment, and this document reflected his relentless promotion of religious tolerance.
Often falsely accused of being an atheist by political opponents, Jefferson in fact held unorthodox Christian beliefs and used this statute to argue for freedom of conscience in religion. Seemingly a deist scornful of doctrine but happy to see the utilitarian uses to which religions could be put, he was one of many early backers of separating sectarianism from influencing public policy. Modern readers cannot help but wonder how appalled Jefferson would be today of five Supreme Court members enforcing their Catholic beliefs on three hundred thirty million Americans; the sight of modern supporters of theocracy breaking down the wall between religion and state in the twenty-first century would no doubt leave him quite deflated.
He poured a lot of his efforts into ensuring Virginia had a strong system of public education, and the book does a wonderful job of detailing the trailblazing ideas he brought to the education policy table. This passion ultimately led to his creation of the University of Virginia in Charlottesville. Curtailing capital punishment, compiling exhaustive details of this state’s flora and fauna; Jefferson’s efforts on behalf of his home state were extensive.
Jefferson’s time as president featured an array of highs and lows. Although he attempted to soothe passions with a proclamation that “We are all Federalists, we are Republicans” during his 1801 Inaugural Address, the evolution of American democracy would undercut any of his efforts at conciliation.
The Louisiana Purchase was arguably the crowning achievement of his administration and yet left him accused of hypocrisy over the expansion of arbitrary presidential powers. This 1803 deal was covered with an ample historical eye for detail by Peterson, and very little of its wheelings and dealings went unmentioned.
The Corps of Discovery under Meriwether Lewis and William Clark is tied into Jefferson’s relentless fascination with scientific discovery and Indian languages. His discovery of bones which he claimed belong to a “megalonyx” turned out to merely be the remains of a since extinct North American sloth, but his relentless interest in fossils and geology never seemed to wane.
As evidenced by these researches, Jefferson’s interests extended well beyond the political. He served for decades as the American Philosophical Society’s president and was a constant defender of the quality of North America’s wildlife specimens.
Claims that American flora and fauna were somehow inferior to those in Europe frequently frosted the Virginian and earned rebuttals from his pen.
The Louisiana Purchase proved quite unexpected from a leader who came of age claiming strictly limited governmental powers, but it showed the political dexterity, when necessary, which he possessed. Jefferson was of the mind that constitutions were not meant to bind future generations, viewing it as wildly unpragmatic for since-passed individuals to bind the hands of their children and grandchildren in circumstances which they might never have foreseen.
Other successes of his administration are analyzed, with drastic reduction of the public debt and an avoidance of war with England after inflamed passions caused by the Chesapeake-Leopard incident qualifying as pluses. The rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte cooled the republicans’ ardor for France, and the dictator’s time as an expansionist ruler even reduced the admiration Jefferson had held for France during the country’s tumultuous revolutionary days.
The commander-in-chief’s willingness to greenlight raid pirate bases in Tripoli, an attempt to end seizure of ships and subsequent demands for tribute, was a gamble which ended well. The success of this mission ensured American commerce would be left alone by Islamic pirates plying the coasts of North Africa.
It was Jefferson’s second term as president, earned in 1804 with relative ease against South Carolina Federalist Charles C. Pinckney, which was possibly better off not having happened. As with many presidents after him, it was this second go-around which took a lot of the luster off a productive first one.
His support of the Embargo Act of 1807, a law which required strong federal violations of individual liberty to enforce, made a mockery of his claims to believe in limited government. Perhaps more than any other decision as president, this one tarnished his legacy and left voters with a sour taste in their mouths.
The crippling of much of America’s economy this act resulted in damaged Jefferson’s popularity, and it arguably contributed little to its ultimate objective of ensuring European belligerents stopped interfering with the country’s trans-Atlantic commerce. It all but brought New England shipping to its knees; this was a region not prone to support Jefferson’s policies in the first place (this portion of the country provided some of the lone holdouts when it came to the Louisiana Purchase’s lowering of their property values), and their anger was joined by that of Jefferson’s fellow southern planters by the conclusion of his second term in office.
Although DNA evidence had yet to prove it at this book’s publication, James Callender’s accusations that Jefferson fathered children with Sally Hemming did merit discussion in this book. Peterson seemed prone to disbelieve these accusations and treat it mostly as slander, although this was not part of a broader pro-Jefferson partisanship.
Over the course of the book he is more often than not willing to critique Jefferson’s decisions, and on no other issue was Jefferson’s promotion of liberty more contradicted than the issue of slavery. Even Jefferson admitted to internal conflict over this economic system, and he comes across as more enlightened than most other slaveholders of his era were.
Attuned to the basic unfairness of the institution, Jefferson nonetheless admitted to not seeing a viable short term alternative given the ignorance slaves had been kept in by their masters and his belief that African-Americans could not coexist among whites. This strange mental balancing act was one the book takes the time to look at and revealed a man, although certainly by no means a believer in racial equality, constricted by the political realities of the age in which he lived. An entire book could be dedicated to his internal conflicts on this one issue alone.
Jefferson’s decade and a half out of office give him time in repose at Monticello. His repairing of the break with John Adams is undertaken courtesy of numerous exchanges of letters, and he was well aware of the growing sectional controversies which seemed to be only getting worse. His death on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence's signing also happened to be the same day John Adams passed away, and these two members of the founding generation would long be remembered as patriots despite their differing ideologies.
Thomas Jefferson and The New Nation has to be the best single volume biography of the Monticello sage. It is perhaps only exceeded by the five volume biography written by Dumas Malone, but Peterson’s book is deserving of a high level of praise as well. He gives a fair minded assessment of Jeffersonian America while not overlooking his time before and after serving in the highest office.
Lovers of history will not be disappointed. One aspect after another is laid out without rushing, yet the book rarely feels slow thanks to the suppleness of Peterson’s writing. It certainly earns five stars, and the book’s contribution to knowledge about Jefferson’s life makes it a commendable addition to American history bookshelves.
-Andrew Canfield Denver, Colorado