Bourke's study of rape looks at the crime as an historical construct by analyzing how it has changed over time. Her book is a sophisticated and historically nuanced study that shows how sexual violence and rape is defined by both cultural, historical and legal discourses. While a hotly contested subject and category of analysis because it involves bodies in trauma, Bourke shows how it remains an important lever of power in our society.
"Rape is a form of social performance. It is highly ritualized. It varies between countries; it changes over time. There is nothing timeless or random about it...For perpetrator of sexual violence, it is never enough to merely inflict suffering: those causing injury insist that even victims give meaning to their anguish." 6
"In particular, my definition can encompass a dramatic historical shift in the understanding of sexual violence: what was initially seen as an act involving sexual violation became eventually conceived as part of an identity. The designation 'rapist' is modern, first used as late as 1883. There are parallels here with philosopher Michel Foucault's discussion of gays. In the course of the nineteenth century the homosexual and (I argue) the rapist 'became a personage, a past, a case history, and a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, and a morphology...Nothing that went into his total composition was unaffected by his sexuality." 11
"The memory-recovery movement arose in a period when the myth that women were inherently untrustworthy was particularly trenchant. As a result, many therapists felt impelled to go to the opposite extreme, accepting each and every account of abuse as historically true and encouraging women to read their symptoms according to the abuse paradigm." 41
"As Alan Hyde put it in Bodies of Law, an assumption exists that the penis is able to communicate 'a kind of truth of which the man is unaware or wishes to keep secret." 245
"It was no coincidence that anxieties about psychopaths concentrated as much on the sexual as on the violent aspects of their crimes. The psychopath was not simply a murderer; it was significant that his pathology was sexual. It was precisely his uncontrollable sexual urges that constituted the main definition of the psychopath form the 1930s onwards." 282
"Philosopher Michel Foucault persuasively made the case for radical change. He proposed that seeing rape as a sexual attack, as opposed to a form of assault, was to "shore up the apparatus of repression, infusing sex with repressive power."...Foucault contended that 'sexuality can in no circumstances be the object of punishment.'" 405
"The Foucauldian project of unpicking sex from regimes of institutional power is also highly attractive for another reason. There is a point in the argument that classifying rape as a sexual offence rather than assault creates women as less than a full person. Her vagina is separated from her Self; she becomes a 'wounded space', as opposed to a full human subject." 406
"As I have discussed earlier, rape is discursively produced. What constitutes the 'sex' part of the definition has dramatically changed over time. Distinguishing between sex and power simple fails to acknowledge that both concepts have a history. Indeed, because the intimate relationship between notions of the self and sexuality simply did not exist until the eighteenth century (and then were not fully integrated into everyday concepts until well into the nineteenth century), and definition that posits rape as equivalent to assault makes a great deal more sense in that earlier period than it does today. In other words, an argument can be made that rape has increasingly become a sexual attack...For the purposes of the present argument, it is sufficient to observe that the sexualization of rape is a modern phenomenon - and has entered fully into rape narratives produced by rapists." 407
"Indeed, at precisely that historical moment when feminist were insisting that 'rape is about power not sex,' rapists became most vocal in arguing that rape was about sex. It is the modern-day rapist who is much more likely to search for evidence of 'involuntary pleasure' in the female body. Lacking the visual evidence of pleasure (indeed, being confronted with visual evidence of pain) the rapist often either eroticizes that pain or gives primacy to the spoken word, savagely compelling a bogus recital of 'wanting it too'. In both, the rapist insists on the power of the word in evoking the 'little death'." 408
"Rape is a central way in which power operates within our society. The problem of rape rests at every level of society and law." 410
"In the words of George Vigarello's perceptive analysis of rape in France. Rape had become an attack upon a woman's sexual identity, creating a 'psychic wound', a 'violation of the self', since a person's identity was much more likely to be defined in terms of sexuality. This intense focus on the body as a marker of identity and as a locus of truth is a profoundly modern conception." 425
"Others (including myself) propose tackling the 'problem of men' in more positive ways. A politics of masculinity that focuses upon a man's body as a site of pleasure (for him and others), as opposed to an instrument of oppression and pain, demands a renewed focus on male deportment, imaginary and agency. For the commentators the male body serves as the locus for the social construction of masculinity. People discover sex: they learn its performance. They are taught to be aroused, or not. They are told in words, deeds and gestures what is forbidden. John Stoltenberg makes a similar observation when he insists that people born with pensises are not born male, they become men." 437-438
"Of course, as a I have repeated time and again in this book, although discourse is always artificial, mutable and performative, it takes place within historical time and geographical place. It is easy to overestimate the subversive nature of texts. Subversion, the philosopher Susan Bordo writes, is 'contextual, historical, and above all, social. No matter how exacting the destabilizing potential of the text, bodily or otherwise, whether those texts are subversive or recuperative or both or neither cannot be determined in abstraction from actual social practice. Social practice occurs through choices made by subjects within time and place." 440