That Stirner has been read as a political philosopher is a disaster, though not unsurprising. Because Stirner dedicates so much of the text to a takedown of socio-political ideas, one can easily get the impression that spookbusting is the egoist raison d’etre, and that Stirner engages in this behaviour because he’s paving the way for a constructive substitution. This vulgarised Stirner is on a mission to rid the world of fixed ideas, of holy ghosts, of causes. This becomes his—cause. His ideal then is to rid the world of spooks. When read this way, the reader ends up putting more emphasis on the notion of the “union of egoists” than they should, missing much of the philosophical argument of the book, and if such a reader becomes a convinced Stirnerite, it’s not long before they’re loudly and irritatingly declaring everything to be a spook, or, as Landstreicher’s translation helpfully calls them (as I will from now on), a phantasm.
Landstreicher’s phantasm captures, much better than Byington’s “spook”, Stirner’s assertion that thought-as-spirit (Hegelian Geist) haunts the world, and that thoughts possess the unconscious egoist in a relationship of dominance. But if The Unique and Its Property is a manual for getting the upper hand, it is not because it teaches that one can use thought to defeat thought, that one can rid the world of phantasms through critique and find a ground of a-phantasmic (dispossessed) correctness. This belief in the power of criticism is precisely the ultimate object of Stirner’s critique: “Criticism is the fight of the possessed one against possession as such, against all possession; a fight that is founded in the consciousness that possession—or, as the critic calls it, a religious and theological attitude—exists everywhere. So he wants to break up thoughts by thinking—but I say, only thoughtlessness really saves me from thoughts. It isn't thinking, but my thoughtlessness, or I, the unthinkable, inconceivable, that frees me from possession.”
Still, that Stirner is misunderstood does not occur in spite of Stirner, but because of Stirner. Stirner is forever getting in the way of himself. This book is sloppy, somehow managing to be both repetititous to the point of pedantic, and vague to the point of frustration. His usage of the word “property” especially is clumsy and confusing; its meaning shifts and changes throughout the text, often within the same line of argument, and so its no wonder that self-proclaimed “egoists” often get the wrong end of the stick. There are several distinct senses of “property” at work in The Unique and Its Property, and to understand how they all fit together, it’s necessary to understand Stirner’s ontology, which is built up sporadically throughout the text, and requires careful reconstruction.
Before any distinction between subject and object arises in thought, there is only the Unique. The Unique, much like Heidegger’s Dasein, is a being who is always-already in a world, a world that shows up for it, whose world is constitutive of it, whose world makes it up, whose world is its property, in the sense of predicate, attribute, proprietas, that is—one’s own. “I” in this ontological sense does not refer to the “I” that thinks, the “doer” attached to the deed in post-production (that is, thought), but to the entire being that makes it up. Every thing in my world is mine, including my “self”, because every thing is a property or predicate by which the being that I am is defined. If a single thing was out of place, I would be other than I am, and that is the first sense in which every thing is my property. Let us call this predicate-property.
Next, there is the sense in which the Unique is my property. Heidegger says that Dasein is, in every case, mine. My view is not yours or anyone else’s but my own. I am the centre of my world. I look out through my eyes, I move with my body, this world-model is generated in my brain. I belong to someone, and by definition, that someone is me. This is property as “ownness”, which is not an idea, but “only a description of—the owner.” I stick to myself like gum to a shoe sole, and I can no sooner get up and leave myself behind and be someone else than I can take up a selfhood that is not my own. Freedom is not, in fact, what Stirner is striving for. Freedom is a childish dream. Freedom can only ever be a “getting rid”, a “longing, a romantic lament, a Christian hope for otherworldliness and the future…” If one is not careful, the thirst for freedom will even have you trying to get rid of yourself: the absurdity of the meditator trying to delete his own self. “Ownness calls you back to yourselves… As own you are actually rid of everything, and what clings to you you have accepted; it is your choice and your pleasure.” Of course the “ego” is an abstraction, an illusion, but I am born in a brain, and my body is mine. Since Stirner defines this sense of property as ownness, we can stick with his term.
Then there is property-as-relation. In this sense, property is anything that I can treat as I like. I can take it up or throw it away. I can obsess over it or be done with it. I can treat it with the deepest affection or the coldest and most distant contempt. It is mine, I own it, precisely because it does not possess me. “Your thoughts are my thoughts, which I dispose of as I will, and which I mercilessly beat down; they are my property, which I annihilate as I like… It doesn’t matter to me that you also call these thoughts yours; they nevertheless remain mine, and how I want to deal with them is my affair, not presumption.” Ownership, property, is here not a simple having and holding, but the right of disposal: “Property is the expression for unlimited control over something (thing, animal, human being) of which ‘I can dispose of as I see fit.’” This is property as potestas—authority, rule; power in the sense of rule or dominion. This sense of property takes on special significance in Stirner’s ontology when we consider the converse situation: possession, that is, when I am possessed by an external thing, by an idea, a phantasm.
We see then how the ontical (experientially conceptualisable) sense of property is based on the deeper, ontological ground on which anything can stand as property for me at all. First, the world and its objects show up for me as properties of myself—predicate-properties. These predicate-properties, in so far as they constitute me and show up in a world that has me at its center, show up in the flux that I create out of myself, a self whose only stable property is that it is owned. This property of self-belonging, of unity of self-and-world as belonging-to-myself, is ownness. Because I am the owner, and because the world is mine, I can then take up things in the world as I like, treat them as I like, be done with them, get rid of them, ignore them, resist them, dominate them, throw them away—in a word, relate to them. Your thoughts are not my property because I say so, but because they show up as predicate-properties of myself, and because they show up for me, I can conduct myself towards them as I like. This “as I like” is not a limitless possibility space, but rather, the simple recognition that I am always mine, that I always own my actions, and that I always may, if I do not allow myself to be possessed, test my might against theirs—or yours.
There are attempts to make Stirner say something constructive about politics, in the same way that there are attempts to make Marx say something constructive about economics—this is because the critical project is easily misunderstood. “What a shame that Marx didn’t tell us what the communist society would look like!” say the religious, but this is only because they put too much stock on thought. Likewise, when Stirner is accused of being a second-rate thinker with no political program, he is sometimes defended like so—“Actually, you haven’t read the book! Stirner wants us to have a union of egoists! A dissolvable-at-will association of free individuals!”—but this expresses no more content than Marx’s “let us finally imagine, for a change, an association of free men, working with the means of production held in common.” In fact, these two men are both aware (there are more similarities between Marx and Stirner than many like to imagine) that to speak in concrete terms of what the future will look like is foolish, that the only people who attempt to index the future in advance are precisely religious thinkers, sacred thinkers, thinkers who think that thought can order the irreducible chaos of world-becoming. “One will ask, but how will it be then, when the have-nots take courage? One might as well ask that I cast a child’s birth chart. To know what a slave will do once he’s broken his chains, one must—await.”
Stirner is a political-ontological pessimist, though “pessimist” implies a dreariness that is certainly no property of Stirner. Thought would like to put its stamp on the world of flux and becoming, to say “the state endures”, “progress endures”, “eternal human rights exist”, and so on, but it is clear enough that thought is not strong enough to contain the irrepressible dynamism of the senseless, formless, noumenal Real outside our brains. Sure, one can make a civilisation and prove that it is the greatest possible, the most stable, the most just, but Stirner shows how this proof always requires an arbitrary ground, a transcendental ideal, one which always falls before sufficient criticism. The proof, however, that thought itself is incomplete will not be forthcoming. Such a thing cannot be proved. Hence, the only way to escape thought is thoughtlessness. Though if we’re looking for evidence, rather than proof, we need only look at how—time and time again—really existing individuals, Uniques, escape the categorisation, stratification, oedipalisation of the state, and rise up, as criminals, insurrectionaries, escapees, delinquents. Meanwhile, beyond the human sphere, the environment, the climate, the natural world, resists being safely arranged by progress, the bastard God-child-ideal of sacred thought. Escape is truly revolutionary, as Deleuze and Guattari said. Over a hundred years before, Stirner tells us insurrection is not a confrontation with the state, but a walling-in and a building-over, a raising-oneself-up, drawing a line of flight, escaping to the outside, aiming at “new arrangements.”
As the temperatures rise, as progress loses its glory and appears as just another sacred idea, as the state intensifies its grip in some places and loses its grip in others, as industrial society breaks down, Stirner reminds us not to waste our time fighting against the established: “My aim is not the overthrow of the established order but my rising up above it, so my intention and action are not a political or social intention and action, but, since they are directed solely toward me and my ownness, an egoistic intention and action.” To let oneself be led into new arrangements even now, what else can motivate this but the religious desire for salvation? “From now on the question is not how a person can gain life, but how he can squander, can enjoy it; or not how he is to produce the true I in himself, but how he is to dissolve himself, to live his life to the full. What else would the ideal be but the sought-after, always distant? One seeks for himself, so he doesn’t yet have himself; he strives for what he should be, thus he is not this. He lives in longing, and lived for thousands of years in it, in hope. It’s something else altogether to live in—enjoyment.”
To live in enjoyment, and not in a haunted world of Panglossian falsehoods. Is it not enough to see clearly?