When Ronald Reagan gave his farewell address in early 1989, he made reference to John Winthrop and his biblical phrase "a city upon a hill." However, he eschewed the context Winthrop used the phrase in—as a model Christian city in which all citizens had their proper places in society firmly dictated to them—and turned Winthrop into a "Freedom Man," a lost pilgrim whose success was determined solely by his hard work and initiative.
Harvey J. Kaye begins his book on Thomas Paine at a similar place—when Ronald Reagan echoed Paine's language, saying, "We have it in our power to begin the world over again." Kaye uses this anecdote not only to point out that once an idea, symbol, or phrase is out there in the cultural sphere, anyone can use it in any way even if it becomes antithetical to its original meaning, but also to argue that it is the true progressives who most closely follow in Paine's footsteps and should be the ones utilizing his language.
Beginning with his upbringing, Kaye gives several reasons why Paine was to become the revolutionary democrat that he became. His father was an artisan of modest means and the young Thomas had many early experiences witnessing the lives of the working poor, giving him more empathy for the destitute and downtrodden than many of the aristocratic Founding Fathers had. His father was also a Quaker and infused some of their religious ideals into his son, such as the rejection of religious authority, the refusal to pay tithes, and a more welcoming attitude toward women.
Paine was unsuccessful in a number of occupations before he came to America in the fall of 1774 and found his calling as an inspiring voice to rally the troops and stoke the call for independence. His first major work, Common Sense—still proportionally the best selling American document of all time—helped turn a country that still largely wanted to reunite with Britain into a country thirsty to be independent.
Kaye mostly succeeds in his attempts to set the record straight on Paine. (I found his attempts to show Paine's influence on Lincoln to be a bit forced.) He shows through a thorough, and, at times, tedious, reviewing of many individuals and organizations the long shadow that Paine has cast over the country. Prominent figures, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, Walt Whitman, Herman Melville, and Eugene Debs as well as various labor unions, women's rights activists, and the Winter Soldiers in the Vietnam Veterans against the War among many others have all culled forth the words of Paine either directly or indirectly. In some circles, particularly more establishment-oriented ones and beginning with the Federalist John Adams, he never had much standing, but in others, he has persistently inspired.
Kaye also wrests Paine's intentions away from conservatives and libertarians. At times, his words could sound like he was against government in all forms. But since he believed that "God had provided the land as a collective endowment for humanity," he advocated for a tax on landed wealth and property to give back to the people who had been dispossessed of land. He was opposed to government when it became tyrannical; he was for it when it could provide succor and equality.