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Woodrow Wilson: A Biography
The first major biography of America’s twenty-eighth president in nearly two decades, from one of America’s foremost Woodrow Wilson scholars.
A Democrat who reclaimed the White House after sixteen years of Republican administrations, Wilson was a transformative president—he helped create the regulatory bodies and legislation that prefigured FDR’s New Deal and would prove central to governance through the early twenty-first century, including the Federal Reserve system and the Clayton Antitrust Act; he guided the nation through World War I; and, although his advocacy in favor of joining the League of Nations proved unsuccessful, he nonetheless established a new way of thinking about international relations that would carry America into the United Nations era. Yet Wilson also steadfastly resisted progress for civil rights, while his attorney general launched an aggressive attack on civil liberties.
Even as he reminds us of the foundational scope of Wilson’s domestic policy achievements, John Milton Cooper, Jr., reshapes our understanding of the man himself: his Wilson is warm and gracious—not at all the dour puritan of popular imagination. As the president of Princeton, his encounters with the often rancorous battles of academe prepared him for state and national politics. Just two years after he was elected governor of New Jersey, Wilson, now a leader in the progressive movement, won the Democratic presidential nomination and went on to defeat Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft in one of the twentieth century’s most memorable presidential elections. Ever the professor, Wilson relied on the strength of his intellectual convictions and the power of reason to win over the American people.
John Milton Cooper, Jr., gives us a vigorous, lasting record of Wilson’s life and achievements. This is a long overdue, revelatory portrait of one of our most important presidents—particularly resonant now, as another president seeks to change the way government relates to the people and regulates the economy.
A Democrat who reclaimed the White House after sixteen years of Republican administrations, Wilson was a transformative president—he helped create the regulatory bodies and legislation that prefigured FDR’s New Deal and would prove central to governance through the early twenty-first century, including the Federal Reserve system and the Clayton Antitrust Act; he guided the nation through World War I; and, although his advocacy in favor of joining the League of Nations proved unsuccessful, he nonetheless established a new way of thinking about international relations that would carry America into the United Nations era. Yet Wilson also steadfastly resisted progress for civil rights, while his attorney general launched an aggressive attack on civil liberties.
Even as he reminds us of the foundational scope of Wilson’s domestic policy achievements, John Milton Cooper, Jr., reshapes our understanding of the man himself: his Wilson is warm and gracious—not at all the dour puritan of popular imagination. As the president of Princeton, his encounters with the often rancorous battles of academe prepared him for state and national politics. Just two years after he was elected governor of New Jersey, Wilson, now a leader in the progressive movement, won the Democratic presidential nomination and went on to defeat Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft in one of the twentieth century’s most memorable presidential elections. Ever the professor, Wilson relied on the strength of his intellectual convictions and the power of reason to win over the American people.
John Milton Cooper, Jr., gives us a vigorous, lasting record of Wilson’s life and achievements. This is a long overdue, revelatory portrait of one of our most important presidents—particularly resonant now, as another president seeks to change the way government relates to the people and regulates the economy.
702 pages, Hardcover
First published November 3, 2009
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6382 people want to read
About the author
John Milton Cooper Jr.
12 books13 followersJohn M. Cooper (born 1940) is an American historian, author, and educator. His specialization is late 19th- and early 20th-century American Diplomatic History. Cooper is currently Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 216 reviews
August 17, 2022
It seems fashionable these days to hate on Woodrow Wilson, no matter what your political perspective is. But if you want a smart attempt at a more favorable take, you might enjoy this. I’m not convinced, but it was well written and there was a lot of good food for thought.
Wilson went from a career in Academia to President in about 2 years, with only a short stint as New Jersey governor to give him political experience for the Presidency. But he was a quick study. He proved adept at the horse wrangling needed to pass legislation. He was also skilled at giving effective speeches that would increase the popularity of himself and his policies.
It was surprising to me that he was so successful at winning elections and getting his plans implemented. I’d typically think these skills would be outside the expertise of such a nerdy intellectual, especially when thrown so quickly in the deep end. He did have the benefit of being in the right place at the right time. The Republicans were split in the 1912 election, and there was strong support for Progressive policies from a combination of Democrats and Progressive Republicans.
The author credits Wilson for enacting many Progressive reforms that are still with us in some form. If you are a Progressive, perhaps you have some appreciation for his achievements at moving the country significantly in this direction.
Cooper also gives him credit for assembling a top-notch team and allowing them the independence to do their jobs effectively. Though, I’m not sure I agree. He seemed to have had issues in foreign policy with his advisors and his Secretary of State acting against his wishes.
Wilson was pushed outside his comfort zone when foreign policy began to dominate his job. This was not what he felt like he was best suited to do. Cooper gives him credit for navigating a responsible course in the lead up to World War 1, nobly attempting to establish peace, or failing that, to keep the United States neutral. Cooper feels that Wilson’s actions shortened the War and saved lives. I didn’t quite see the logic of this argument though. I thought Wilson often seemed naïve, stubborn, and not highly organized or strategic. However, even if you don’t agree with his conclusions, you might enjoy the writing enough to benefit from Cooper’s telling.
Wilson’s history of racism and Civil Liberty restrictions were described, but the Author didn’t seem to view them as primary importance. His biggest critique of Wilson was his refusal to step down when he was seriously ill in the last year and half of his Presidency. I did not realize how much his health had deteriorated by the end of his 2nd term, and how it impacted his judgment and behavior.
Wilson went from a career in Academia to President in about 2 years, with only a short stint as New Jersey governor to give him political experience for the Presidency. But he was a quick study. He proved adept at the horse wrangling needed to pass legislation. He was also skilled at giving effective speeches that would increase the popularity of himself and his policies.
It was surprising to me that he was so successful at winning elections and getting his plans implemented. I’d typically think these skills would be outside the expertise of such a nerdy intellectual, especially when thrown so quickly in the deep end. He did have the benefit of being in the right place at the right time. The Republicans were split in the 1912 election, and there was strong support for Progressive policies from a combination of Democrats and Progressive Republicans.
The author credits Wilson for enacting many Progressive reforms that are still with us in some form. If you are a Progressive, perhaps you have some appreciation for his achievements at moving the country significantly in this direction.
Cooper also gives him credit for assembling a top-notch team and allowing them the independence to do their jobs effectively. Though, I’m not sure I agree. He seemed to have had issues in foreign policy with his advisors and his Secretary of State acting against his wishes.
Wilson was pushed outside his comfort zone when foreign policy began to dominate his job. This was not what he felt like he was best suited to do. Cooper gives him credit for navigating a responsible course in the lead up to World War 1, nobly attempting to establish peace, or failing that, to keep the United States neutral. Cooper feels that Wilson’s actions shortened the War and saved lives. I didn’t quite see the logic of this argument though. I thought Wilson often seemed naïve, stubborn, and not highly organized or strategic. However, even if you don’t agree with his conclusions, you might enjoy the writing enough to benefit from Cooper’s telling.
Wilson’s history of racism and Civil Liberty restrictions were described, but the Author didn’t seem to view them as primary importance. His biggest critique of Wilson was his refusal to step down when he was seriously ill in the last year and half of his Presidency. I did not realize how much his health had deteriorated by the end of his 2nd term, and how it impacted his judgment and behavior.
August 20, 2020
In the summer of 2020 Woodrow Wilson's legacy has been reexamined and name even removed from the Princeton school he helped build. The Wilson presidency coincided with some of the most important moments of the early 20th century America: the role of government in regulating the trusts, creation of the federal reserve, the rise of KKK. Most importantly, Wilson lead the U.S. into WWI and tried to establish a League of Nations based on his 14 Points. In doing so, he attempted to wake the U.S. out of its isolationism and onto the world stage as an arbiter of peace.
By far the most important aspect of Wilson's legacy was his decision to bring the U.S. into the War. This book gave me the feeling that Wilson was reluctant to enter the conflict because it was so unpopular at home. For example, even after the sinking of the Lusitania in spring 2015, Wilson still won the Election in the fall of 1916 on the slogan "He kept us out of war". Only when Germany announced its policy of continued unrestrained submarine warfare of all ships headed to England did Wilson feel that he country HAD to go to war to protect its trade routes. Having entered the War, Wilson then believed that the U.S. could lead in the post war negotiations. He generally pushed for lighter punishment of Germany than did Britain or France. His failure to get Congress to join the League of Nations made him to look like an out-of-touch idealist and left him increasingly isolated near the end of his second term.
Overall, I thoroughly enjoyed the book. I learned a ton about Wilson and the time period of his Presidency.
By far the most important aspect of Wilson's legacy was his decision to bring the U.S. into the War. This book gave me the feeling that Wilson was reluctant to enter the conflict because it was so unpopular at home. For example, even after the sinking of the Lusitania in spring 2015, Wilson still won the Election in the fall of 1916 on the slogan "He kept us out of war". Only when Germany announced its policy of continued unrestrained submarine warfare of all ships headed to England did Wilson feel that he country HAD to go to war to protect its trade routes. Having entered the War, Wilson then believed that the U.S. could lead in the post war negotiations. He generally pushed for lighter punishment of Germany than did Britain or France. His failure to get Congress to join the League of Nations made him to look like an out-of-touch idealist and left him increasingly isolated near the end of his second term.
Overall, I thoroughly enjoyed the book. I learned a ton about Wilson and the time period of his Presidency.
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March 27, 2012The other day when I sat down to dinner, my friend Jon asked, “How’s the boyfriend?” To a casual listener this would seem like a completely normal way to begin a conversation; to those at the table more familiar with my weird proclivity for naming historical figures in games of “marry, boff, kill,” it would’ve been obvious that he was actually referring to America’s 28th president, Woodrow Wilson. Over the course of the semester, I’ve devoted more time reading this biography than I have to most hobbies [tennis, 2001: three weeks; crochet, 1998: 25 minutes] and college relationships [information not available] so now that it has come to an end, I feel sort of…bittersweet? In memoriam, here is my ode to one of the nation’s most fiercely and unabashedly intellectual presidents, who lived through the rise of a powerful progressive reform moment and a major World War, but nevertheless had a personality about as exciting as untoasted Wonder Bread.
In Woodrow Wilson: A Biography, Cooper traces Wilson’s rise from his early days in academia as president of Princeton to his entrance into political life with the governorship of New Jersey and later the presidency, when he defeated two former Republican presidents in the hotly-contested three-way race for the White House in 1912. Uncommonly intellectual, Wilson was both a famously private figure and a celebrated public speaker, a respected political scientist (the only president to hold a PhD!) and a Nobel Peace laureate. He also had the reputation of being pretty, for lack of a better word, milquetoast. Cooper, much to my amusement, tries to push back a little against this by reaffirming Wilson’s virility as early as the introduction, an accomplishment counted as equal alongside his impressive treatises on government and wartime leadership. This continues later when Cooper writes, in discussing Wilson’s relationship with a young widow: “Others, viewing Wilson harshly, have maintained that such a supposedly unattractive prig was incapable of having a sexual fling” which might actually be the single best line in a biography that has ever existed and will ever exist.
My immature fascination with Cooper’s frank discussion of the completely commonplace sexual behavior of a middle-aged man may suggest to you that I am not doing this book justice. You would be correct. Meticulously researched and written, Cooper’s account is remarkably thorough and sympathetic to his subject. Naturally there is a lot of ground to cover, but I think one of the passages where Cooper is at his best is in discussing perhaps the most infamous aspect of Wilson’s legacy: the idealistic formulation—and then stunning failure—of the League of Nations. Noting that Wilson’s campaign in support of the League coincided with a massive stroke that left him essentially incapacitated for months, Cooper argues that the stroke severely impaired Wilson’s judgement and leadership capabilities and bluntly criticizes the president for remaining in office during this time. In doing so, he takes the stigma of inevitability out of the League’s failure—instead of seeming like unrealistic pipe-dream of a naive idealist, the League of Nations is instead presented as a workable approach to peace that many Americans supported and very well could have been passed. In Cooper’s biography, the failure of the League of Nations hinges on minute decisions—a failure to compromise with Republican leadership here, a misguided directive to Democratic senators there—which were all within Wilson’s control (and pre-illness Wilson likely would have been able to master.) Could the League of Nations have succeeded? Cooper argues that it could have had Wilson been healthy enough to face the debate with the same ardor and spirit of compromise he brought to challenges faced as President of Princeton, Governor of New Jersey, and in his early terms as President. And who knows how history would have unfolded had America joined?
Wilson is not exactly the most colorful figure, though he has a sparkle of humor in him now and then (when one visitor to his study at Princeton asked “Do you read all these books, Professor?” he reportedly responded “not every day.”) Nevertheless, Wilson presided over an extraordinary period in American history, and the book provides fascinating insight into the anguish of an executive reluctantly waging war, the creation of a powerful Democratic coalition, the triumph of Wilson’s progressive legislative agenda, his change of heart and later impassioned support of women’s suffrage, and his apathy and fatal inaction on questions of racial equality, the consequences of which still reverberate today. Examining the era through his (charmingly bespectacled) eyes is a more than worthwhile exercise. Besides, not all of our presidents could joyride around on safaris and get shot at. That’s what Teddy Roosevelt is for.
review originally posted here.
In Woodrow Wilson: A Biography, Cooper traces Wilson’s rise from his early days in academia as president of Princeton to his entrance into political life with the governorship of New Jersey and later the presidency, when he defeated two former Republican presidents in the hotly-contested three-way race for the White House in 1912. Uncommonly intellectual, Wilson was both a famously private figure and a celebrated public speaker, a respected political scientist (the only president to hold a PhD!) and a Nobel Peace laureate. He also had the reputation of being pretty, for lack of a better word, milquetoast. Cooper, much to my amusement, tries to push back a little against this by reaffirming Wilson’s virility as early as the introduction, an accomplishment counted as equal alongside his impressive treatises on government and wartime leadership. This continues later when Cooper writes, in discussing Wilson’s relationship with a young widow: “Others, viewing Wilson harshly, have maintained that such a supposedly unattractive prig was incapable of having a sexual fling” which might actually be the single best line in a biography that has ever existed and will ever exist.
My immature fascination with Cooper’s frank discussion of the completely commonplace sexual behavior of a middle-aged man may suggest to you that I am not doing this book justice. You would be correct. Meticulously researched and written, Cooper’s account is remarkably thorough and sympathetic to his subject. Naturally there is a lot of ground to cover, but I think one of the passages where Cooper is at his best is in discussing perhaps the most infamous aspect of Wilson’s legacy: the idealistic formulation—and then stunning failure—of the League of Nations. Noting that Wilson’s campaign in support of the League coincided with a massive stroke that left him essentially incapacitated for months, Cooper argues that the stroke severely impaired Wilson’s judgement and leadership capabilities and bluntly criticizes the president for remaining in office during this time. In doing so, he takes the stigma of inevitability out of the League’s failure—instead of seeming like unrealistic pipe-dream of a naive idealist, the League of Nations is instead presented as a workable approach to peace that many Americans supported and very well could have been passed. In Cooper’s biography, the failure of the League of Nations hinges on minute decisions—a failure to compromise with Republican leadership here, a misguided directive to Democratic senators there—which were all within Wilson’s control (and pre-illness Wilson likely would have been able to master.) Could the League of Nations have succeeded? Cooper argues that it could have had Wilson been healthy enough to face the debate with the same ardor and spirit of compromise he brought to challenges faced as President of Princeton, Governor of New Jersey, and in his early terms as President. And who knows how history would have unfolded had America joined?
Wilson is not exactly the most colorful figure, though he has a sparkle of humor in him now and then (when one visitor to his study at Princeton asked “Do you read all these books, Professor?” he reportedly responded “not every day.”) Nevertheless, Wilson presided over an extraordinary period in American history, and the book provides fascinating insight into the anguish of an executive reluctantly waging war, the creation of a powerful Democratic coalition, the triumph of Wilson’s progressive legislative agenda, his change of heart and later impassioned support of women’s suffrage, and his apathy and fatal inaction on questions of racial equality, the consequences of which still reverberate today. Examining the era through his (charmingly bespectacled) eyes is a more than worthwhile exercise. Besides, not all of our presidents could joyride around on safaris and get shot at. That’s what Teddy Roosevelt is for.
review originally posted here.
July 17, 2016
In his thoroughly-researched biography of Woodrow Wilson, John Milton Cooper, Jr. offers the reader a look into the life and times of a significant man in American history. Wilson not only shaped America and the world in the early 20th century, but also helped to push the parameters of the American political system, both from his academic ivory tower and within the Oval Office. As Cooper explores the nuances in Wilson's life, the reader is treated to a wonderful narrative that rises above partisan rhetoric to permit all readers a fast-paced journey through a busy life. Rather than digesting the biography as a tale that spans from A to Z, Cooper offers three distinct characters of Woodrow Wilson with whom the reader can liaise. The keen academic emerges to expound on the need for change, the politician seeks to bring that change to fruition, and the world leader seeks to instil that change in the global political narrative, both within America's borders and in the international political arena. Cooper successfully argues that these three characters are intertwined and did help produce a country and a world that had a better handle on events, heading into some of the most difficult years in modern history. A wonderful biographical piece that readers with a strong interest in politics and the American political system will surely enjoy.
'Thomas' Woodrow Wilson came about his academic prowess naturally. With a keen interest in all things educational from an early age, Wilson surrounded himself with those whose primary focus was to expound knowledge. While many of the men in his close family were preachers, Wilson sought a more conventional approach to academics and attended Princeton, where he read politics and found a passion in this educational endeavour. Even as an undergraduate student, Wilson sought to question the various institutional aspects of the American political system, arguing that it was less effective than the British parliamentary system. In his numerous essays and published work, Wilson felt that parliamentary systems had stronger checks and balances than the American republic, while also allowing a more hands-on approach to governing. This passion extended as he forged onward into deeper study and earned degrees not only from Princeton, but also Johns Hopkins. His essays caught the attention of many, though even armed with a superior writing style, Wilson could not always turn the minds of those in positions of power towards his ideals. As an academic, Wilson returned to Princeton, seeking to educate the next generation of learners, where he discovered changes afoot, as women and people of minority races peppered the student body. Cooper discusses how Wilson wrestled with this change and called for racial and gender segregation on campus, issues that would reemerge later in his presidential life. Wilson rose in the ranks and soon found himself as President of Princeton University, where he could affect outward change, including more faculties to accommodate the new and exciting realms of science, technology, and higher learning. Wilson's downfall came when he tried to push too hard for a graduate building, coming up against strong-willed members of the faculty and board. Wilson would not be deterred, however, as he stood firm in his beliefs, trying to bring about the change he felt was necessary. This passion would prove highly useful in his future endeavours, which seemed to flow naturally from his presidency of Princeton.
Wilson's political aspirations could be seen as inherent from his youthful obsession with the American political system. While not thumping for Democratic candidates alongside his family, as with some future presidents, Wilson had a passion for the machinery and knew that he would need to become a cog if he wanted to bring about concrete, rather than theoretical, change. One could argue, as Cooper does, that Wilson began exemplifying political tendencies while leading Princeton. The aforementioned lobbying for space and new faculty buildings forced him to barter with those around him. The university's politics did instil in him some anger and frustration, but also helped shape him into the man needed for his next two posts; ones that would shape a larger electorate and determine major changes for decades to come. After leaving Princeton, Wilson was steered towards the 1910 gubernatorial race of New Jersey, which Cooper made sound like a veritable cakewalk. Wilson's ideas helped stir the pot and forced those legislators to see that he was by no means a passive man, armed with his academic interests in the political system. Cooper does make Wilson's time as governor appear to be a launching pad for a presidential run in 1912, which came to pass without much issue. While Wilson may have been seen by Democrats as their potential saviour, his march to Washington was by no means pre-ordained. In a raucous fight at the convention, Wilson had to fend off others for dozens of ballots before emerging victorious, only to face a hyperactive Teddy Roosevelt who sought to steal away Republican votes through a third-party in the form of the Progressives. Cooper illustrates the pains to which Wilson went to endure the '12 campaign and his ultimate victory, though it was only then that things got a great deal more interesting. While acting as president, Wilson was forced to steer a domestic agenda for a country in dire need of navigation. He used his interests to steer things in a certain direction, but had to weigh his sentiments with both congressional leaders and a Cabinet, each with their own preferences. Wilson succeeded in placing financial legislation on the agenda and developing the Federal Reserve, but there were things outside the domestic realm, discussed below, that occupied his time and turned him from a President of the United States into a world leader prepared to look at a global political sphere. While Wilson did run again in 1916, he was encumbered with an isolationist stance while Europe and the Far East continued their bloody Great War. As Cooper mentions throughout one particular section of the biography, while Wilson did succeed in his second presidential election, said victory marked the end of any domestic presidency, though this is not entirely true. Wilson did oversee two significant amendments to the US Constitution, prohibition (which he tried to veto) and women's suffrage. Cooper illustrates these fights effectively, painting America as a progressive power while the world turned its eyes on Europe and the Germans continued to goad America to join the bloodshed.
That Wilson succeeded as a politician was only the first step in the arduous process of becoming a stellar statesman. Wilson was not faced only with leading America during the Great War, but also had to balance his domestic policies with defending American borders and citizens. Mexico proved to be the first thorn in Wilson's side, forcing him to use negotiating skills to prevent another US-Mexico War and keep the peace on the continent. Wilson adopted a 'diplomacy over aggression' approach, which became his niche for both presidential terms when looking to the international arena. Wilson kept America out of the Great War, as Cooper explains, for reasons not simply to steer clear of the European mess, but because there was no territorial infringement or investment. Cooper's wonderful narrative not only depicts the struggles in Europe, but also Wilson's hand-wringing as he watched from the outside, formulating his League of Nations idea. While America did eventually send troops into the fray, Cooper effectively argues that this was neither an easy choice for Wilson nor one the world should take lightly. Wilson began drafting his famous Fourteen Points address and was keen to get things started while the ink dried on the Armistice in 1918. Wilson was surely the key player in pushing the peace negotiations forward and Paris would surely not have been as effective without his invested time. Cooper echoes some of the other reading I have done on this subject (see Margaret MacMillan's Paris 1919) and exemplifies the courage taken by the American president. That said, one might speculate this central role has caused future presidents to feel as though they are the essential cog in the wheel to any peace, and that things ought to be drafted along their own terms. In any case, Cooper argues repeatedly that Wilson shaped not only post-War Europe, but that other seasoned statesmen deferred to him, even as he entered their continental sphere and played chess with their respective geographic neighbours. However, when returning to America to instil this world leader persona on his congressional colleagues, they neutered him and refused to accept the Treaty of Versailles, which proved to be the bloodiest battle Wilson fought and led to the demise of the Democrats in the 1920 election, one in which Wilson could not convince the party faithful to allow him to lead. That Wilson was a statesman like no other cannot be discounted and Cooper does a masterful job at exploring this, though both Wilson and Cooper would likely admit that the former's long-time lamenting of the republican system of government led to the downfall of the larger League of Nations and sullied some of the world leader ideals that the president held.
One would be remiss not to mention the familial theme that flows throughout the book, all of which help shape the Woodrow Wilson who emerged in the public domain. Wilson was lucky enough to have met and married two women who acted not only as political wives, but could be seen to offer their own insight into the daily decisions that he made throughout his working life. Ellen Axson, while not the first woman to win his heart, was surely the first to take the time to fully understand him. She stuck by Wilson through the early years at Princeton and helped make the leap to both the Governor's Office (no mansion at the time in New Jersey, for those who enjoy a little trivia) and White House. She bore him three children, all of whom played a significant role in Wilson's life and whom Cooper mentions throughout the narrative. However, her untimely death caused Wilson much angst and he suffered greatly for a period of time during his first term because of this. Cooper offers a thread that Wilson was by no means a man out of touch with the allure of the feminine charm, hinting at potential affairs and dalliances before reaching Washington. Wilson was also able to meet and marry his second wife, Edith Bolling, not too long after Ellen's passing. Edith Wilson was that rare second rock to keep him upright as he forged into the most difficult years as president and stood by him throughout his frustrations surrounding the League of Nations. She offered a strong and protective approach of Wilson, particularly in his twilight years and helped Wilson after his debilitating stroke during the latter time of his second term in office. Cooper's personification of Wilson, showing that he was a man as well as a political beast, offers the reader a great counterbalance throughout the narrative and injects some lighter fare into the heavier topics discussed at length.
Cooper's attention to detail is not lost on the reader, as he weaves his way through these most important political and historical events. Wilson's time in the White House alone were, arguably, some of the most important political years in the world. From the push to offer women's suffrage through to the Great War and the Treaty of Versailles negotiations thereafter, Cooper presents the reader with a well-rounded collection of facts and arguments from all the players, allowing a well-grounded decision to be made, even if it differs from that of Woodrow Wilson. There is little within the tome that does not have a balanced counter argument, which is the sign of a superior writer, particularly one who tackles political issues. Cooper is to be commended for his analysis, as well as his luring the reader in with a detailed narrative that paints these historical events in way so as to bring them off the published page. If only all biographers had this passion in their writing!
Kudos, Mr. Cooper for such a wonderful biographical piece. Woodrow Wilson transcends the two-term presidency for which he is known and supports his position as one of the twentieth century's greatest world leaders.
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'Thomas' Woodrow Wilson came about his academic prowess naturally. With a keen interest in all things educational from an early age, Wilson surrounded himself with those whose primary focus was to expound knowledge. While many of the men in his close family were preachers, Wilson sought a more conventional approach to academics and attended Princeton, where he read politics and found a passion in this educational endeavour. Even as an undergraduate student, Wilson sought to question the various institutional aspects of the American political system, arguing that it was less effective than the British parliamentary system. In his numerous essays and published work, Wilson felt that parliamentary systems had stronger checks and balances than the American republic, while also allowing a more hands-on approach to governing. This passion extended as he forged onward into deeper study and earned degrees not only from Princeton, but also Johns Hopkins. His essays caught the attention of many, though even armed with a superior writing style, Wilson could not always turn the minds of those in positions of power towards his ideals. As an academic, Wilson returned to Princeton, seeking to educate the next generation of learners, where he discovered changes afoot, as women and people of minority races peppered the student body. Cooper discusses how Wilson wrestled with this change and called for racial and gender segregation on campus, issues that would reemerge later in his presidential life. Wilson rose in the ranks and soon found himself as President of Princeton University, where he could affect outward change, including more faculties to accommodate the new and exciting realms of science, technology, and higher learning. Wilson's downfall came when he tried to push too hard for a graduate building, coming up against strong-willed members of the faculty and board. Wilson would not be deterred, however, as he stood firm in his beliefs, trying to bring about the change he felt was necessary. This passion would prove highly useful in his future endeavours, which seemed to flow naturally from his presidency of Princeton.
Wilson's political aspirations could be seen as inherent from his youthful obsession with the American political system. While not thumping for Democratic candidates alongside his family, as with some future presidents, Wilson had a passion for the machinery and knew that he would need to become a cog if he wanted to bring about concrete, rather than theoretical, change. One could argue, as Cooper does, that Wilson began exemplifying political tendencies while leading Princeton. The aforementioned lobbying for space and new faculty buildings forced him to barter with those around him. The university's politics did instil in him some anger and frustration, but also helped shape him into the man needed for his next two posts; ones that would shape a larger electorate and determine major changes for decades to come. After leaving Princeton, Wilson was steered towards the 1910 gubernatorial race of New Jersey, which Cooper made sound like a veritable cakewalk. Wilson's ideas helped stir the pot and forced those legislators to see that he was by no means a passive man, armed with his academic interests in the political system. Cooper does make Wilson's time as governor appear to be a launching pad for a presidential run in 1912, which came to pass without much issue. While Wilson may have been seen by Democrats as their potential saviour, his march to Washington was by no means pre-ordained. In a raucous fight at the convention, Wilson had to fend off others for dozens of ballots before emerging victorious, only to face a hyperactive Teddy Roosevelt who sought to steal away Republican votes through a third-party in the form of the Progressives. Cooper illustrates the pains to which Wilson went to endure the '12 campaign and his ultimate victory, though it was only then that things got a great deal more interesting. While acting as president, Wilson was forced to steer a domestic agenda for a country in dire need of navigation. He used his interests to steer things in a certain direction, but had to weigh his sentiments with both congressional leaders and a Cabinet, each with their own preferences. Wilson succeeded in placing financial legislation on the agenda and developing the Federal Reserve, but there were things outside the domestic realm, discussed below, that occupied his time and turned him from a President of the United States into a world leader prepared to look at a global political sphere. While Wilson did run again in 1916, he was encumbered with an isolationist stance while Europe and the Far East continued their bloody Great War. As Cooper mentions throughout one particular section of the biography, while Wilson did succeed in his second presidential election, said victory marked the end of any domestic presidency, though this is not entirely true. Wilson did oversee two significant amendments to the US Constitution, prohibition (which he tried to veto) and women's suffrage. Cooper illustrates these fights effectively, painting America as a progressive power while the world turned its eyes on Europe and the Germans continued to goad America to join the bloodshed.
That Wilson succeeded as a politician was only the first step in the arduous process of becoming a stellar statesman. Wilson was not faced only with leading America during the Great War, but also had to balance his domestic policies with defending American borders and citizens. Mexico proved to be the first thorn in Wilson's side, forcing him to use negotiating skills to prevent another US-Mexico War and keep the peace on the continent. Wilson adopted a 'diplomacy over aggression' approach, which became his niche for both presidential terms when looking to the international arena. Wilson kept America out of the Great War, as Cooper explains, for reasons not simply to steer clear of the European mess, but because there was no territorial infringement or investment. Cooper's wonderful narrative not only depicts the struggles in Europe, but also Wilson's hand-wringing as he watched from the outside, formulating his League of Nations idea. While America did eventually send troops into the fray, Cooper effectively argues that this was neither an easy choice for Wilson nor one the world should take lightly. Wilson began drafting his famous Fourteen Points address and was keen to get things started while the ink dried on the Armistice in 1918. Wilson was surely the key player in pushing the peace negotiations forward and Paris would surely not have been as effective without his invested time. Cooper echoes some of the other reading I have done on this subject (see Margaret MacMillan's Paris 1919) and exemplifies the courage taken by the American president. That said, one might speculate this central role has caused future presidents to feel as though they are the essential cog in the wheel to any peace, and that things ought to be drafted along their own terms. In any case, Cooper argues repeatedly that Wilson shaped not only post-War Europe, but that other seasoned statesmen deferred to him, even as he entered their continental sphere and played chess with their respective geographic neighbours. However, when returning to America to instil this world leader persona on his congressional colleagues, they neutered him and refused to accept the Treaty of Versailles, which proved to be the bloodiest battle Wilson fought and led to the demise of the Democrats in the 1920 election, one in which Wilson could not convince the party faithful to allow him to lead. That Wilson was a statesman like no other cannot be discounted and Cooper does a masterful job at exploring this, though both Wilson and Cooper would likely admit that the former's long-time lamenting of the republican system of government led to the downfall of the larger League of Nations and sullied some of the world leader ideals that the president held.
One would be remiss not to mention the familial theme that flows throughout the book, all of which help shape the Woodrow Wilson who emerged in the public domain. Wilson was lucky enough to have met and married two women who acted not only as political wives, but could be seen to offer their own insight into the daily decisions that he made throughout his working life. Ellen Axson, while not the first woman to win his heart, was surely the first to take the time to fully understand him. She stuck by Wilson through the early years at Princeton and helped make the leap to both the Governor's Office (no mansion at the time in New Jersey, for those who enjoy a little trivia) and White House. She bore him three children, all of whom played a significant role in Wilson's life and whom Cooper mentions throughout the narrative. However, her untimely death caused Wilson much angst and he suffered greatly for a period of time during his first term because of this. Cooper offers a thread that Wilson was by no means a man out of touch with the allure of the feminine charm, hinting at potential affairs and dalliances before reaching Washington. Wilson was also able to meet and marry his second wife, Edith Bolling, not too long after Ellen's passing. Edith Wilson was that rare second rock to keep him upright as he forged into the most difficult years as president and stood by him throughout his frustrations surrounding the League of Nations. She offered a strong and protective approach of Wilson, particularly in his twilight years and helped Wilson after his debilitating stroke during the latter time of his second term in office. Cooper's personification of Wilson, showing that he was a man as well as a political beast, offers the reader a great counterbalance throughout the narrative and injects some lighter fare into the heavier topics discussed at length.
Cooper's attention to detail is not lost on the reader, as he weaves his way through these most important political and historical events. Wilson's time in the White House alone were, arguably, some of the most important political years in the world. From the push to offer women's suffrage through to the Great War and the Treaty of Versailles negotiations thereafter, Cooper presents the reader with a well-rounded collection of facts and arguments from all the players, allowing a well-grounded decision to be made, even if it differs from that of Woodrow Wilson. There is little within the tome that does not have a balanced counter argument, which is the sign of a superior writer, particularly one who tackles political issues. Cooper is to be commended for his analysis, as well as his luring the reader in with a detailed narrative that paints these historical events in way so as to bring them off the published page. If only all biographers had this passion in their writing!
Kudos, Mr. Cooper for such a wonderful biographical piece. Woodrow Wilson transcends the two-term presidency for which he is known and supports his position as one of the twentieth century's greatest world leaders.
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April 18, 2017
Exceptionally interesting information here! Woodrow Wilson is one of those overlooked presidents I believe. He was years ahead of his time and had intrigue while in office. He seems to have been a man with a combination of ingredients that took a small portion of many other presidents. He had a sex life, a conspiracy while in office, he entered a very unpopular war, had ideas far ahead of his time about solving not just US problems but of a united world. Any person who enjoys American history will totally enjoy this terrific telling of a very modern president who was in office a hundred years before it all became popular.
March 31, 2020
I read that John Milton Cooper’s book is the first major biography of Woodrow Wilson, and I think it proves to be just that.
Cooper creates an engaging, complex account of the twenty-eighth US President. The author traces Wilson’s whole life with great detail.
The book starts with “Tommy”’s childhood (He assumed the name Woodrow later) and his rise as a president of Princeton.
In 1910, Wilson became the governor of New Jersey, and only two years later was thrown into the famous election of 1912 as a Democratic candidate. Despite the many years of Republican government, Woodrow Wilson won the election against Theodore Roosevelt and William H. Taft.
Wilson would leave a great impact on the American nation’s history; he was a transformative president, who launched an anti-trust legislation, tariff and labor reforms.
John Milton Cooper effectively describes Wilson’s role on the international scene; although the President himself admitted that he was incapable of conducting foreign policy, he carried the USA through the WWI, and although his idea of joining the League of Nations proves unsuccessful, it established a whole new look on international affairs. The author believes that exactly Wilson’s policy led to Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal.
Cooper also examines Wilson the man, showing his character and private life as well as his public life. Despite being sympathetic to his character, he creates a wholesome portrait without omitting Wilson’s errors. Devoted wholly to joining the League of Nations, Woodrow Wilson suffers a stroke and is incapacitated for the rest of his life. The author asserts that the President should have withdrawn from politics because he was incapable of performing his duties.
John Milton Cooper’s book is an excellent, in-depth biography of one of the most influential presidents in US history.
Cooper creates an engaging, complex account of the twenty-eighth US President. The author traces Wilson’s whole life with great detail.
The book starts with “Tommy”’s childhood (He assumed the name Woodrow later) and his rise as a president of Princeton.
In 1910, Wilson became the governor of New Jersey, and only two years later was thrown into the famous election of 1912 as a Democratic candidate. Despite the many years of Republican government, Woodrow Wilson won the election against Theodore Roosevelt and William H. Taft.
Wilson would leave a great impact on the American nation’s history; he was a transformative president, who launched an anti-trust legislation, tariff and labor reforms.
John Milton Cooper effectively describes Wilson’s role on the international scene; although the President himself admitted that he was incapable of conducting foreign policy, he carried the USA through the WWI, and although his idea of joining the League of Nations proves unsuccessful, it established a whole new look on international affairs. The author believes that exactly Wilson’s policy led to Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal.
Cooper also examines Wilson the man, showing his character and private life as well as his public life. Despite being sympathetic to his character, he creates a wholesome portrait without omitting Wilson’s errors. Devoted wholly to joining the League of Nations, Woodrow Wilson suffers a stroke and is incapacitated for the rest of his life. The author asserts that the President should have withdrawn from politics because he was incapable of performing his duties.
John Milton Cooper’s book is an excellent, in-depth biography of one of the most influential presidents in US history.
July 16, 2013
I think this is probably the best one volume biography of Wilson I have read so far. It used to be Heckscher, but I give Cooper the edge because of his writing. There is so much going on, but his writing style makes it enjoyable. Be prepared, it is a dense read, but Wilson had such a impact. I do wish the book was more of his life and times, though. Cooper refers to many situations that really could be expanded just a bit. Yet, the author presents a balanced view of Wilson and shows warts and all.
A. Scott Berg is coming out with his one-volume, so stay tuned to see if he can surpass Cooper.
A. Scott Berg is coming out with his one-volume, so stay tuned to see if he can surpass Cooper.
August 29, 2017
A great history about an unlikely man who became president. I loved all the detail put into this book. It was well researched. Well written and and a very accessible read. A very good biography about this man.
January 20, 2016
This is a very well-researched and detailed biography. However, I think that Cooper frequently looks the other way when evaluating many of Wilson's actions, motives, and policies. I came away with the impression that Wilson was a racist. He was also an idealist, which ultimately helped him destroy his own presidency and his campaign for the League of Nations. His obsession with the League of Nations, and his ambivalence to race riots in 1919 and the subsequent Palmer Raids is disturbing.
November 30, 2024
A very well-written biography of the 28th President by the magnificently-named John Milton Cooper. There is certainly a lot to either like or dislike about Wilson, who's probably best known for his failure at the end of his presidency to get the Senate to pass an unrevised version of the Versailles Treaty that would have placed the USA in the League of Nations. Against this, one should keep in mind Wilson's successes in implementing his progressive domestic goals during his first term, but one need also keep in mind that he oversaw the segregation of the civil service. In general, Wilson held to the racial views of the old South; it was once said that Wilson favored freedom in Czechoslovakia but not in Alabama. There's plenty of material to chew over here, and Cooper presents it all in a enjoyable narrative. Cooper isn't exactly worshipful, but he occasionally can't help excusing Wilson's weaker performances or supposing "what-ifs." Nonetheless, this is a good solid biography.
October 29, 2024
This is more of a 3.5, but I read this for a new job at the President Woodrow Wilson House museum. It is highly informative and great for fact checking, but can be dense and full of political minutiae at times.
December 2, 2013
A popular contemporary conception of Woodrow Wilson is that he was a largely successful president whose term ended in failure by his quixotic quest for Senate approval of the Treaty of Versailles and American entry into the League of Nations. He is viewed by some today as an academician and theoretical visionary whose skills as a politician were not particularly strong. There is also the image that he was completely invalided by a stroke suffered in 1919 and that the remainder of his term was carried out through the shadow presidency of his wife and advisors.
Cooper's book provides a comprehensive analysis of this remarkable man. Some impressions we hold are supported but given much more depth by Cooper's thoughtful portrayal of this complex figure; others are shown to be misjudgments, or at least shallow.
Wilson was the most highly educated president in our history. His understanding of political systems was scholarly and informed his views and actions as a political leader. He was a student of Edmund Burke and accepted Burke's view that political dynamics were matters of behavior and actions more than institutions. Wilson was a strong proponent of political parties and the salutary effects of parties on shaping political discourse in national events. His early writing on congressional government was (and is) considered to be a brilliant exposition on the nature of, and weaknesses of, our system of separation of powers. He was particularly critical of the congressional committee system which gave inordinate control of matters to a few people whose motives often did not match the national interest. While Wilson was genuinely a scholar, he was also a university administrator. Cooper points out that managing university politics provided meaningful experience to Wilson in his considerable political adroitness shown later in elective offices. Wilson attempted to transform Princeton, where he was president, into a more academically rigorous institution and his maneuvering presaged his skills as a traditional politician.
Wilson was governor of New Jersey for only two years before ascending to the presidency. Here he showed his abilities in governing in a state thad been dominated by political bosses and hack politicians.
As president, Wilson took a path of progressivism and reform that was extant in the public domain of that era. In working to achieve his agenda, he was far from being an ivory tower theorist in his dealings with political allies and opponents. It was remarkable to see, especially in our time of gridlock, how skillfully he worked with both parties in congress to achieve policy outcomes. One of his two great blind spots, however, was on race relations. One must conclude that Wilson was at best indifferent to racial equality and fairness. There is a strong case to be made that his inactions and actions stemmed from his overtly racist views of African-Americans.
At the outbreak of WWI, foreign affairs became the predominant problem to command Wilson's attention. He tried stalwartly to keep America neutral and out of the war. There was in the country up until 1917 strong aversion to getting involved and Wilson worked hard to keep events from pulling America into the conflict, many times in the face of extremely provocative acts by the Germans, particularly the submarine warfare which was costing American lives. When the Germans announced unrestricted submarine warfare in early 1917 the scales of peace and war were tipped toward America's entry. The war effort was all out and encompassed many dimensions of American life. The rabid anti-German sentiment that emerged after our entry led to the second great failing of Wilson's leadership. He was willing to let flourish the most egregious abuses of civil liberties and suppression of dissent that our nation has ever seen. Constitutional freedoms of expression were trampled and dissenters tried and jailed over their anti-war views. Wilson must have had little sympathy for alternative views as even after the war he resisted a pardon for socialist Eugene Debs, a national figure who was imprisoned for several years because of his opposition to the war.
Wilson participated directly and closely in the peace conference of 1918-1919. He spent a number of months in Europe negotiating with the victors for a peace treaty that would do much more than satisfy the victors through harsh punishment of the Germans. His famous fourteen points demonstrated his long view that the war's resolution must created a different world than existed before 1914. His conception of the League of Nations was that countries could collectively guarantee peace as they had before come together to wage war. He strongly urged reasonable terms for the vanquished so that the seeds of revenge would not sprout.
It is with the treaty and his advocacy for it that we see the strength of his vision and the weakness of his obstinacy. He chose not to involve his political opponents throughout the lengthy negotiations in ways that might have mitigated their concerns or at least weakened their platforms of opposition. When he presented the treaty to the Senate, he was unwillingly to accept compromises (the so-called reservations) that might have ensured approval and garnered at least a starting point for internationalism that could have grown later. He decided to take his message to the public and it was on a whirlwind national speaking tour that he suffered a stroke.
The stroke was a life-threatening event for Wilson and certainly deprived him of the vigor to continue his pro-treaty strategy. His wife and advisors shielded him from excessive stress and turmoil, but they did not act as substitute president during his illness and recovery. He did, in fact, recover to a substantial degree, but the affects of the stroke appeared to affect him more emotionally than intellectually. His judgment lost its coolness and he reacted to circumstances in non-helpful ways rather than through calculation. One does not know that even if healthy he would have been able to salvage the treaty due to his rigidity, but surely the stroke made this outcome nearly impossible.
Wilson continued to stay on the public scene after his term in office. He contemplated a run for a third term in 1920 and in 1924. While still a figure with a strong national following, his stamina and intellectual prowess were clearly diminishing in his post-stroke years. He appeared to be getting ever stronger by early 1925 when an illness brought him to death, probably due to a generally weakened condition from his stroke.
Ironically, Wilson was correct in his vision for ensuring peace through the collective actions of governments as was his fear about the inevitable return to war if his vision were not adopted. Within two decades of the conclusion of the "war to end all wars" the nations of the world became embroiled in an even more devastating global conflict.
One of the interesting aspects of the story of Wilson and his times is the parallels with our political milieu one hundred years after. The struggles between progressivism and conservatism, between the powers of the executive and the congress, on whether collective efforts of sovereign governments can bring peace, and on America's role as an internal leader have a strikingly familiar resonance to us in the 21st century.
Cooper's book provides a comprehensive analysis of this remarkable man. Some impressions we hold are supported but given much more depth by Cooper's thoughtful portrayal of this complex figure; others are shown to be misjudgments, or at least shallow.
Wilson was the most highly educated president in our history. His understanding of political systems was scholarly and informed his views and actions as a political leader. He was a student of Edmund Burke and accepted Burke's view that political dynamics were matters of behavior and actions more than institutions. Wilson was a strong proponent of political parties and the salutary effects of parties on shaping political discourse in national events. His early writing on congressional government was (and is) considered to be a brilliant exposition on the nature of, and weaknesses of, our system of separation of powers. He was particularly critical of the congressional committee system which gave inordinate control of matters to a few people whose motives often did not match the national interest. While Wilson was genuinely a scholar, he was also a university administrator. Cooper points out that managing university politics provided meaningful experience to Wilson in his considerable political adroitness shown later in elective offices. Wilson attempted to transform Princeton, where he was president, into a more academically rigorous institution and his maneuvering presaged his skills as a traditional politician.
Wilson was governor of New Jersey for only two years before ascending to the presidency. Here he showed his abilities in governing in a state thad been dominated by political bosses and hack politicians.
As president, Wilson took a path of progressivism and reform that was extant in the public domain of that era. In working to achieve his agenda, he was far from being an ivory tower theorist in his dealings with political allies and opponents. It was remarkable to see, especially in our time of gridlock, how skillfully he worked with both parties in congress to achieve policy outcomes. One of his two great blind spots, however, was on race relations. One must conclude that Wilson was at best indifferent to racial equality and fairness. There is a strong case to be made that his inactions and actions stemmed from his overtly racist views of African-Americans.
At the outbreak of WWI, foreign affairs became the predominant problem to command Wilson's attention. He tried stalwartly to keep America neutral and out of the war. There was in the country up until 1917 strong aversion to getting involved and Wilson worked hard to keep events from pulling America into the conflict, many times in the face of extremely provocative acts by the Germans, particularly the submarine warfare which was costing American lives. When the Germans announced unrestricted submarine warfare in early 1917 the scales of peace and war were tipped toward America's entry. The war effort was all out and encompassed many dimensions of American life. The rabid anti-German sentiment that emerged after our entry led to the second great failing of Wilson's leadership. He was willing to let flourish the most egregious abuses of civil liberties and suppression of dissent that our nation has ever seen. Constitutional freedoms of expression were trampled and dissenters tried and jailed over their anti-war views. Wilson must have had little sympathy for alternative views as even after the war he resisted a pardon for socialist Eugene Debs, a national figure who was imprisoned for several years because of his opposition to the war.
Wilson participated directly and closely in the peace conference of 1918-1919. He spent a number of months in Europe negotiating with the victors for a peace treaty that would do much more than satisfy the victors through harsh punishment of the Germans. His famous fourteen points demonstrated his long view that the war's resolution must created a different world than existed before 1914. His conception of the League of Nations was that countries could collectively guarantee peace as they had before come together to wage war. He strongly urged reasonable terms for the vanquished so that the seeds of revenge would not sprout.
It is with the treaty and his advocacy for it that we see the strength of his vision and the weakness of his obstinacy. He chose not to involve his political opponents throughout the lengthy negotiations in ways that might have mitigated their concerns or at least weakened their platforms of opposition. When he presented the treaty to the Senate, he was unwillingly to accept compromises (the so-called reservations) that might have ensured approval and garnered at least a starting point for internationalism that could have grown later. He decided to take his message to the public and it was on a whirlwind national speaking tour that he suffered a stroke.
The stroke was a life-threatening event for Wilson and certainly deprived him of the vigor to continue his pro-treaty strategy. His wife and advisors shielded him from excessive stress and turmoil, but they did not act as substitute president during his illness and recovery. He did, in fact, recover to a substantial degree, but the affects of the stroke appeared to affect him more emotionally than intellectually. His judgment lost its coolness and he reacted to circumstances in non-helpful ways rather than through calculation. One does not know that even if healthy he would have been able to salvage the treaty due to his rigidity, but surely the stroke made this outcome nearly impossible.
Wilson continued to stay on the public scene after his term in office. He contemplated a run for a third term in 1920 and in 1924. While still a figure with a strong national following, his stamina and intellectual prowess were clearly diminishing in his post-stroke years. He appeared to be getting ever stronger by early 1925 when an illness brought him to death, probably due to a generally weakened condition from his stroke.
Ironically, Wilson was correct in his vision for ensuring peace through the collective actions of governments as was his fear about the inevitable return to war if his vision were not adopted. Within two decades of the conclusion of the "war to end all wars" the nations of the world became embroiled in an even more devastating global conflict.
One of the interesting aspects of the story of Wilson and his times is the parallels with our political milieu one hundred years after. The struggles between progressivism and conservatism, between the powers of the executive and the congress, on whether collective efforts of sovereign governments can bring peace, and on America's role as an internal leader have a strikingly familiar resonance to us in the 21st century.
September 23, 2015
http://bestpresidentialbios.com/2015/...
“Woodrow Wilson: A Biography” is John Milton Cooper, Jr.’s 2009 biography of the 28th president. It was the 2010 Pulitzer Finalist in the Biography category. Cooper is Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the author of nearly a dozen books, including “The Warrior and the Priest,” his 1983 comparative biography of Wilson and Teddy Roosevelt.
“Woodrow Wilson" is detailed and comprehensive - and clearly the result of significant research. About seventy pages of notes accompany the 599 pages of text. Cooper's writing style is easy to navigate, but while it is intellectual it is not particularly elegant or descriptive. As a result, this book feels like the product of a research-minded historian rather than a writer.
While I don't remember reading anything groundbreaking and revelatory about Wilson, this biography is strong in several areas. The discussion of the campaign and election of 1912, for example, is extremely interesting - particularly Cooper's comparison of Wilson's and Teddy Roosevelt's backgrounds and political philosophies.
Cooper also provides an interesting review of the 1916 Republican presidential candidate (Charles Hughes) as well as that party's tactical situation during Wilson's campaign for reelection. And the story of Wilson's efforts to ensure US neutrality during World War I is probably better-told here than in any Wilson biography I've read. But the best part of the book may be its final pages: Cooper provides the best summary of Wilson's three-year post-presidency that I've seen.
There is a consensus that Cooper's biography is too kind to its subject, and on an absolute basis that is true. Relative to other biographies of Wilson, however, this book actually proves somewhat balanced. Cooper addresses Wilson's views regarding race relations and women's suffrage with more candor than I've seen in other biographies, while his harshest criticism is leveled at Wilson for remaining in office after suffering a debilitating stroke. Still, every Wilson biographer seems to be an admirer...and this case is no different.
But while there is much to admire about Cooper's biography, it fell short of my lofty expectations. The author conveys facts articulately and efficiently, but is not always as focused on interpreting those actions and events. Some chapters are infused with compelling analysis, but many are not...reminding me of a souped-up history text.
And where the best biographies bring their subjects to life with colorful scene-setting, "Woodrow Wilson" lacks spark and personality. It is not quite a "facts-only" rendering of Wilson, but he and others around him don't come to life with nearly the vibrancy I expect. Instead, this biography reminds me of a college friend you could rely on to tutor you in a difficult subject...but who wasn't a person you would choose to hang out with for fun.
Overall, John Milton Cooper, Jr.'s "Woodrow Wilson" is a good, but not great, presidential biography. It's hard to imagine a more thorough or detailed review of Wilson's life, but not difficult to envision one that is more captivating or engaging. It does not live up to its reputation of "revitalizing" Wilson's image (a task performed by at least one earlier biography), but Cooper is successful in portraying Wilson as a great man who was tragically human - and whose presidency would have been greater had it ended sooner.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
“Woodrow Wilson: A Biography” is John Milton Cooper, Jr.’s 2009 biography of the 28th president. It was the 2010 Pulitzer Finalist in the Biography category. Cooper is Professor Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the author of nearly a dozen books, including “The Warrior and the Priest,” his 1983 comparative biography of Wilson and Teddy Roosevelt.
“Woodrow Wilson" is detailed and comprehensive - and clearly the result of significant research. About seventy pages of notes accompany the 599 pages of text. Cooper's writing style is easy to navigate, but while it is intellectual it is not particularly elegant or descriptive. As a result, this book feels like the product of a research-minded historian rather than a writer.
While I don't remember reading anything groundbreaking and revelatory about Wilson, this biography is strong in several areas. The discussion of the campaign and election of 1912, for example, is extremely interesting - particularly Cooper's comparison of Wilson's and Teddy Roosevelt's backgrounds and political philosophies.
Cooper also provides an interesting review of the 1916 Republican presidential candidate (Charles Hughes) as well as that party's tactical situation during Wilson's campaign for reelection. And the story of Wilson's efforts to ensure US neutrality during World War I is probably better-told here than in any Wilson biography I've read. But the best part of the book may be its final pages: Cooper provides the best summary of Wilson's three-year post-presidency that I've seen.
There is a consensus that Cooper's biography is too kind to its subject, and on an absolute basis that is true. Relative to other biographies of Wilson, however, this book actually proves somewhat balanced. Cooper addresses Wilson's views regarding race relations and women's suffrage with more candor than I've seen in other biographies, while his harshest criticism is leveled at Wilson for remaining in office after suffering a debilitating stroke. Still, every Wilson biographer seems to be an admirer...and this case is no different.
But while there is much to admire about Cooper's biography, it fell short of my lofty expectations. The author conveys facts articulately and efficiently, but is not always as focused on interpreting those actions and events. Some chapters are infused with compelling analysis, but many are not...reminding me of a souped-up history text.
And where the best biographies bring their subjects to life with colorful scene-setting, "Woodrow Wilson" lacks spark and personality. It is not quite a "facts-only" rendering of Wilson, but he and others around him don't come to life with nearly the vibrancy I expect. Instead, this biography reminds me of a college friend you could rely on to tutor you in a difficult subject...but who wasn't a person you would choose to hang out with for fun.
Overall, John Milton Cooper, Jr.'s "Woodrow Wilson" is a good, but not great, presidential biography. It's hard to imagine a more thorough or detailed review of Wilson's life, but not difficult to envision one that is more captivating or engaging. It does not live up to its reputation of "revitalizing" Wilson's image (a task performed by at least one earlier biography), but Cooper is successful in portraying Wilson as a great man who was tragically human - and whose presidency would have been greater had it ended sooner.
Overall rating: 3¾ stars
November 13, 2019
This 30+ hour audible book is just on the verge of being over long and close to tedious. It does include a number of historical oddities that you might not have known about this early 20th century president. I know a whole lot more about Mr. Wilson now that I did when I started listening to this book. So be it!
When you learn about writing history, you learned that primary sources are the very best. In earlier American history the big names commonly wrote a lot of letters and those letters became the source of thinking you knew what they were thinking. This book does not make many references to letters and I am really not quite sure what served as the primary sources for this author.
One of the things that was clear to me in this book is that the author was often trying to read between the lines. He was trying to figure out what was going on based on assumptions and contractures. This became most obvious when he was trying to describe what was happening during the last period of Wilson’s second term after he had what was commonly described as a stroke. I had not heard very much about this period of presidential history. As is true with most of this book there are a lot of words. But not a lot of certainty.
The author is not invariably pro Wilson. But he does lean fairly heavily in the guys favor. The stroke happened during the time Willson was trying to get the Congress to approve the Versye treaty. His disability during that time obviously had a profound effect. There is no way to know what having a healthy Wilson during that time would have meant.
Willson bounced around the eastern part of the United States during his lifetime. Politics in the US during the first several decades of the 20th century are covered pretty well in the book. His years as president of Princeton university get good coverage. The author gives him lots of points as a person with a brain and with a conscience. The author tries to examine the kind of damage that the stroke did to him physically and mentally. There is speculation that he lost the battle To get the peace treaty adopted because he became unwilling to successfully participate in political debate and compromise due to the stroke.
When you learn about writing history, you learned that primary sources are the very best. In earlier American history the big names commonly wrote a lot of letters and those letters became the source of thinking you knew what they were thinking. This book does not make many references to letters and I am really not quite sure what served as the primary sources for this author.
One of the things that was clear to me in this book is that the author was often trying to read between the lines. He was trying to figure out what was going on based on assumptions and contractures. This became most obvious when he was trying to describe what was happening during the last period of Wilson’s second term after he had what was commonly described as a stroke. I had not heard very much about this period of presidential history. As is true with most of this book there are a lot of words. But not a lot of certainty.
The author is not invariably pro Wilson. But he does lean fairly heavily in the guys favor. The stroke happened during the time Willson was trying to get the Congress to approve the Versye treaty. His disability during that time obviously had a profound effect. There is no way to know what having a healthy Wilson during that time would have meant.
Willson bounced around the eastern part of the United States during his lifetime. Politics in the US during the first several decades of the 20th century are covered pretty well in the book. His years as president of Princeton university get good coverage. The author gives him lots of points as a person with a brain and with a conscience. The author tries to examine the kind of damage that the stroke did to him physically and mentally. There is speculation that he lost the battle To get the peace treaty adopted because he became unwilling to successfully participate in political debate and compromise due to the stroke.
March 3, 2011
A very nice biography of Woodrow Wilson. He began his adult career as an academic, became President of Princeton University, was elected governor of New Jersey, and--finally--he was elected President of the United States. He was not just an ordinary academic either, but the author of journal articles and books that were--for the time--well reputed. A political scientist who became elected to political office. . . .
The book follows him through his life course. It portrays his strengths and his weaknesses. He had an analytical mind, thought things through, and could be definitive in his decision-making. On the other hand, he could be very stubborn, sometimes creating problems when he served as President of Princeton, Governor of New Jersey, and President of the United States. He held views on race that were problematic.
Politically, he began as rather conservative, but won elections as a progressive Democrat. His background in the south helped shape some of his views, although he was hardly an unreconstructed Confederate.
The book also displays his personal life--his happy first marriage, the death of his wife, and his second marriage. . . .
The sad last years of his life are well depicted. It seems clear, from the author's research, that Wilson had had earlier medical problems that presaged the massive illness occurring late in his presidency.
In short, this is a fine biography of Woodrow Wilson.
The book follows him through his life course. It portrays his strengths and his weaknesses. He had an analytical mind, thought things through, and could be definitive in his decision-making. On the other hand, he could be very stubborn, sometimes creating problems when he served as President of Princeton, Governor of New Jersey, and President of the United States. He held views on race that were problematic.
Politically, he began as rather conservative, but won elections as a progressive Democrat. His background in the south helped shape some of his views, although he was hardly an unreconstructed Confederate.
The book also displays his personal life--his happy first marriage, the death of his wife, and his second marriage. . . .
The sad last years of his life are well depicted. It seems clear, from the author's research, that Wilson had had earlier medical problems that presaged the massive illness occurring late in his presidency.
In short, this is a fine biography of Woodrow Wilson.
December 11, 2009
Woodrow Wilson: A Biography, a wonderful work of scholarship, is aptly subtitled. Cooper focuses on Wilson's entire life and seems determined to get that story just right. Thus, the author picks no fights in this cautious tale. Mostly, I found that refreshing. Cooper is clearly a fan of Wilson's, but no apologist. Thus, he doesn't minimize Wilson's racial attitudes and fairly places the blame for the WWI Treaty's American failure at Wilson's doorstep.
Cooper is much taken with Wilson's oratorical and writing skills and even gushes a bit comparing Wilson to Lincoln. Sorry. Lincoln's speeches and writing continue to move me. Wilson's really don't. Cooper didn't convince me otherwise.
In the great presidential campaign of 1912, Cooper ventures a little bit into a comparative analysis of the philosophical growth of Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. I would have liked even more of this because the abbreviated version here was not entirely convincing. (Cooper has also written a comparative dual biography of the two presidents and contemporary opponents).
Finally, whether or not you are an admirer of Wilson's (I'm not), this biography is not likely to change your mind. Nevertheless, it was a fascinating and worthy read.
Cooper is much taken with Wilson's oratorical and writing skills and even gushes a bit comparing Wilson to Lincoln. Sorry. Lincoln's speeches and writing continue to move me. Wilson's really don't. Cooper didn't convince me otherwise.
In the great presidential campaign of 1912, Cooper ventures a little bit into a comparative analysis of the philosophical growth of Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. I would have liked even more of this because the abbreviated version here was not entirely convincing. (Cooper has also written a comparative dual biography of the two presidents and contemporary opponents).
Finally, whether or not you are an admirer of Wilson's (I'm not), this biography is not likely to change your mind. Nevertheless, it was a fascinating and worthy read.
February 8, 2010
It is hard to doubt that Cooper's book is now the definitive biography of Wilson: professors from Harvard, Brown, and Yale gave it this accolade in their reviews. These and other critics tended to praise Cooper for disentangling Wilson from the contemporary use and abuse of his legacy; as Cooper puts it, the 28th president "was no Wilsonian, just Woodrow Wilson." Reviewers were also impressed by Cooper's chapters on the ample domestic agenda of a president normally remembered for foreign affairs. Some critics took issue, however, with Cooper's attempts to attribute some of Wilson's faults (such as the institution of racial segregation of federal agencies or the crackdown on dissent during WWI) to his advisers or cabinet members. But all these critics indicated that these flaws were more than outweighed by the book's many strengths, suggesting that if readers want a book on Woodrow Wilson, this is the one. This is an excerpt from a review published in Bookmarks magazine.
June 1, 2013
This was an excellent, informative, substantial biography, exactly the kind that makes people fans of biographies, written with a sharp focus and engaging style that made me look forward to the sessions when I could spend with it (although circumstances kept me from getting through it as quickly as I might have.) Cooper presents Wilson with a favorable eye, balanced with reasonable assessments of his shortcomings and mistakes. More than most presidents, Wilson continues to be a figure towards whom derision or veneration is directed based largely on ideological and political commitments of the present rather than those from Wilson's own time. In that respect, he's a significant figure in American political history because he represents attitudes about the character of American democracy that endure across generations - essential convictions over ephemeral issues. Cooper's portrayal of Wilson is convincing, taught me some things I didn't know, and led me to reflect about things I should reflect about. That's what a good, solid book does.
Want to read
September 2, 2009While Woodrow is not my favorite Pres., I am looking forward to this bio by Cooper.
June 13, 2025
In the town I grew up in, Middletown, CT, where Woodrow Wilson briefly lived and taught at Wesleyan University, at the end of a long, straight road in the middle of nowhere off of a longer road full of car dealerships and the like, was a grey cinderblock box of a building on a small rise: Woodrow Wilson Middle School. For two miserable years I would ride the bus down that road, looking out in the early morning gloom over the frosty wasteland at this cold dark grey damp soul-crushing prison, and the feeling of sinister institutional gloom, of chill-radiating evil, has ever since gathered around the name of Woodrow Wilson in my mind like an icy fog. The president whose personal connection is closest to me -- my father also taught as Wesleyan -- and probably the one I most phyically resemble, I think of him as the emotionless intellectual, featureless behind the glare of light on his wire-rimmed glasses, who created the 20th Century American State, the begetter of the Federal Reserve and the National Guard, the lean austere pitiless political scientist who said "I am going to teach the Latin American republics to elect better men!" while also declaring for "national self-determination", a paper and glass and steel man, harbinger of the Modern.
John Milton Cooper has dedicated his whole life to writing about Wilson. He and his book are too close to his subject. It could be fascinating to really explain wtf the Federal Reserve actually is, or what the actual situation was in Mexico to the Mexicans, or a lot of things. But this is a regular type biography, not the kind of biography like The Power Broker which uses a life to explain things, so instead of getting any background, these things enter the book when they enter Wilson's mind, and only exist so long as he was directly dealing with them. On the other hand, we have here meticulously recorded basically every time the President played golf, or went for a relaxing drive in the White House limousine. Since Cooper has written books on apparently every aspect of Wilson's presidency, I imagine he could explain and expand on things that are interesting and ignore these tedious picayune details; but I guess he or his editors have an idea what a biography is. Maybe the reading public too. I can only say I was bored to tears, and unconvinced by Cooper's frequent apologism as by his frequent judgements and speculations ("This was a mistake by Wilson. He could have done x instead and it would have been better.") The most notable thing I learned is that Wilson was so avid to avoid American entry into World War I because he was afraid that the war would so weaken the "white race" that it would lead to to the takeover of the world by the "yellow race". Wilson like many Progressives and Liberals of his time sounds quite modern and reasonable at times (he even went far in the direction of socialism during the war, as so many governments do in war) but now and again you remember how very much his thinking is different from anyone today, even the worst of us.
John Milton Cooper has dedicated his whole life to writing about Wilson. He and his book are too close to his subject. It could be fascinating to really explain wtf the Federal Reserve actually is, or what the actual situation was in Mexico to the Mexicans, or a lot of things. But this is a regular type biography, not the kind of biography like The Power Broker which uses a life to explain things, so instead of getting any background, these things enter the book when they enter Wilson's mind, and only exist so long as he was directly dealing with them. On the other hand, we have here meticulously recorded basically every time the President played golf, or went for a relaxing drive in the White House limousine. Since Cooper has written books on apparently every aspect of Wilson's presidency, I imagine he could explain and expand on things that are interesting and ignore these tedious picayune details; but I guess he or his editors have an idea what a biography is. Maybe the reading public too. I can only say I was bored to tears, and unconvinced by Cooper's frequent apologism as by his frequent judgements and speculations ("This was a mistake by Wilson. He could have done x instead and it would have been better.") The most notable thing I learned is that Wilson was so avid to avoid American entry into World War I because he was afraid that the war would so weaken the "white race" that it would lead to to the takeover of the world by the "yellow race". Wilson like many Progressives and Liberals of his time sounds quite modern and reasonable at times (he even went far in the direction of socialism during the war, as so many governments do in war) but now and again you remember how very much his thinking is different from anyone today, even the worst of us.
November 17, 2017
Wilson’s legacy has come to the foreground again in the past few years, especially in regards to his legacy on race relations. At Princeton University, there has been discussion to remove his name from their school of Public and International Affairs, as to cease commemorating a terrible racist. It was this new brand of discussion that caused me to look into Cooper’s biography of our 28th President.
Cooper’s biography tells the complex story of a complex man with such amazing ability; never, in any biography have I felt I understood someone so thoroughly through a book. Most importantly, Cooper is of the era of biographers who are not writing hagiographies, but helping us readers examine and get a measure of a subject. Cooper challenges popular misconceptions, and in knowing his subject so well, is able to educate the reader about how Wilson’s intellect, determination, temperament, and eloquence helped lead Princeton, then New Jersey, then the United States into a brighter future. Conceptions of an aloof, and high-minded Professor trying to do a politician’s job are incorrect: while his approach to handling issues may have been scholarly, Wilson was enormously capable of political machinations, negotiating on legislation, and educating the public about his goals. The legislative accomplishments of his first Presidential term are truly an incredible list. For all of Roosevelt’s punch, it is Wilson who has the political savvy that achieves a lot of the reforms of the Progressive Era.
Likewise, Cooper doesn’t avoid or apologize for Wilson’s many flaws. Throughout the book, Cooper hammers Wilson for his shortcomings and failures. He does not shy away from Wilson’s racism and shortcomings on race relations, though he points out Wilson was more of typical of Northerners of his time who just wished this race issue would go away (the Birth of a Nation endorsement is likely not true). Of course, Wilson held positions of power throughout his adult life, so his racism and indifference to the sufferings of black Americans held far greater consequences for blacks, then the prejudices of the average person. Likewise, Cooper examines his temperamental flaws and vanities that held him back from further successes and that came to the front as a stroke ravaged his mind and body for the final year of his presidency.
Cooper has so successfully captured the complexity of this Wilson and his even more complex legacy who is, without a doubt, one of our most accomplished presidents.
Cooper’s biography tells the complex story of a complex man with such amazing ability; never, in any biography have I felt I understood someone so thoroughly through a book. Most importantly, Cooper is of the era of biographers who are not writing hagiographies, but helping us readers examine and get a measure of a subject. Cooper challenges popular misconceptions, and in knowing his subject so well, is able to educate the reader about how Wilson’s intellect, determination, temperament, and eloquence helped lead Princeton, then New Jersey, then the United States into a brighter future. Conceptions of an aloof, and high-minded Professor trying to do a politician’s job are incorrect: while his approach to handling issues may have been scholarly, Wilson was enormously capable of political machinations, negotiating on legislation, and educating the public about his goals. The legislative accomplishments of his first Presidential term are truly an incredible list. For all of Roosevelt’s punch, it is Wilson who has the political savvy that achieves a lot of the reforms of the Progressive Era.
Likewise, Cooper doesn’t avoid or apologize for Wilson’s many flaws. Throughout the book, Cooper hammers Wilson for his shortcomings and failures. He does not shy away from Wilson’s racism and shortcomings on race relations, though he points out Wilson was more of typical of Northerners of his time who just wished this race issue would go away (the Birth of a Nation endorsement is likely not true). Of course, Wilson held positions of power throughout his adult life, so his racism and indifference to the sufferings of black Americans held far greater consequences for blacks, then the prejudices of the average person. Likewise, Cooper examines his temperamental flaws and vanities that held him back from further successes and that came to the front as a stroke ravaged his mind and body for the final year of his presidency.
Cooper has so successfully captured the complexity of this Wilson and his even more complex legacy who is, without a doubt, one of our most accomplished presidents.
October 31, 2025
The History Scholar Who Lost History
There are few presidents whose stories read like tragedies: Lincoln, Nixon, LBJ. Woodrow Wilson is one of them. What should have been his culminating achievement died on the vine, and for his impact on history, he died with it.
Wilson's arc—from lawyer to immensely successful academic to successful politician—commands respect. He stands with Obama in a field of the most academic presidents. His legislative record before WWI is something history usually forgets, as is his vision of the president as prime minister. Cooper's biography does a great job detailing just how much America tried to stay out of WWI, and how Wilson is much less passive than biographies from Theodore Roosevelt's perspective make him out to be.
He was able to do a party purge, a ruthless but impressive tactic yet to be repeated. But he also jailed an opposing candidate, Debs, taking his prime-minister level authority too far.
The real tragedy came at Versailles. Even the Republicans were willing to sign the League of Nations treaty, which likely would have been better than the way it turned out. "The almighty has given us 10 commandments, but Wilson has given us 14." Even after the fight was lost and his faculties limited, Wilson lingered in office, which with 100 years of hindsight he should not have done. Similar to Hoover but with different ideologies, his laudable idealism but unwillingness to bend to realities led to a much worse outcome for the country.
There are few presidents whose stories read like tragedies: Lincoln, Nixon, LBJ. Woodrow Wilson is one of them. What should have been his culminating achievement died on the vine, and for his impact on history, he died with it.
Wilson's arc—from lawyer to immensely successful academic to successful politician—commands respect. He stands with Obama in a field of the most academic presidents. His legislative record before WWI is something history usually forgets, as is his vision of the president as prime minister. Cooper's biography does a great job detailing just how much America tried to stay out of WWI, and how Wilson is much less passive than biographies from Theodore Roosevelt's perspective make him out to be.
He was able to do a party purge, a ruthless but impressive tactic yet to be repeated. But he also jailed an opposing candidate, Debs, taking his prime-minister level authority too far.
The real tragedy came at Versailles. Even the Republicans were willing to sign the League of Nations treaty, which likely would have been better than the way it turned out. "The almighty has given us 10 commandments, but Wilson has given us 14." Even after the fight was lost and his faculties limited, Wilson lingered in office, which with 100 years of hindsight he should not have done. Similar to Hoover but with different ideologies, his laudable idealism but unwillingness to bend to realities led to a much worse outcome for the country.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
September 24, 2024
This is the 2nd of back to back Wilson bios I just finished. (the first by Heckscher 1991). IMO Cooper’s (2009) is slightly better. Why?
1. Cooper spends less time quoting from Wilson letters to the women of his life, enhancing the narrative flow, although with less insight into Wilson’s personality.
2. Cooper spends less time explaining details of Wilson’s political fights as President of Princeton while still providing insights into the world of private university politics.
3. Cooper explores the evolution of Wilson’s political philosophy in more depth than Heckscher and offers some great quotes.
4. Cooper also gives more perspective to Wilson’s relationship with African Americans.
The meat of both bios is long, detailed narrative describing Wilson’s difficult negotiations and ultimately his heartbreaking failure with the peace treaty of WW I, both with European allies and then with the Senate over ratification and then the League of Nations charter. Both bios are excellent here, but the level of detail does get a bit tedious.
WW racism: Cooper says WW’s problems w/race relations were acts of omission not commission. He allowed his administrative heads to segregate their departments and also allowed military commanders to segregate Army units with white commanding officers during WW I. He decided not to use federal govt. to intervene when race riots broke out in East St. Louis. & Houston, although he finally issued a condemnation of lynchings. He was passive towards civil rights for blacks & many criticize him for that. Cooper says WW missed a great opportunity to do good & this was a moral failure.
The evolution of WW’s political philosophy was from conservative Democrat to progressive Democrat & was a mixed bag. Born & raised in the South, he respected states rights but believed South did not have right to secede. He originally believed women’s suffrage was a state issue but changed his mind as states began ratifying 19th amendment. He opposed 18th amendment (Prohibition) & vetoed Volstead Act but was overridden by Congress.
He supported the Espionage Act during WW I which suppressed dissent (Shades of John Adams & the Alien & Sedition Acts). He ordered govt. control of railroads during war which Cooper calls one of the most extensive examples of govt. overreach in American history. 2 WW quotes at this time-“Now the world is going to change radically, & I am satisfied that govts have to take over all their great natural resources..& water power; all coal mines & oil fields. They will now have to be govt owned.”
“I believe that a measure of socialism was necessary to ensure opportunity for individuals: I am perfectly sure that the state has got to control everything that everybody needs and uses. “
And finally,
“We do not want a big brother government; I do not want a government that will take care of me. I want a government that will make other men take their hands off so that I can take care of myself.” (the essence of his progressive philosophy and quite different from today’s progressive philosophy of the Democratic Party)
In summary, Wilson created the philosophical foundation for the development of today’s liberal view that the federal government is the solution to most issues of Americans today, and not only has a right to intervene but a duty.
1. Cooper spends less time quoting from Wilson letters to the women of his life, enhancing the narrative flow, although with less insight into Wilson’s personality.
2. Cooper spends less time explaining details of Wilson’s political fights as President of Princeton while still providing insights into the world of private university politics.
3. Cooper explores the evolution of Wilson’s political philosophy in more depth than Heckscher and offers some great quotes.
4. Cooper also gives more perspective to Wilson’s relationship with African Americans.
The meat of both bios is long, detailed narrative describing Wilson’s difficult negotiations and ultimately his heartbreaking failure with the peace treaty of WW I, both with European allies and then with the Senate over ratification and then the League of Nations charter. Both bios are excellent here, but the level of detail does get a bit tedious.
WW racism: Cooper says WW’s problems w/race relations were acts of omission not commission. He allowed his administrative heads to segregate their departments and also allowed military commanders to segregate Army units with white commanding officers during WW I. He decided not to use federal govt. to intervene when race riots broke out in East St. Louis. & Houston, although he finally issued a condemnation of lynchings. He was passive towards civil rights for blacks & many criticize him for that. Cooper says WW missed a great opportunity to do good & this was a moral failure.
The evolution of WW’s political philosophy was from conservative Democrat to progressive Democrat & was a mixed bag. Born & raised in the South, he respected states rights but believed South did not have right to secede. He originally believed women’s suffrage was a state issue but changed his mind as states began ratifying 19th amendment. He opposed 18th amendment (Prohibition) & vetoed Volstead Act but was overridden by Congress.
He supported the Espionage Act during WW I which suppressed dissent (Shades of John Adams & the Alien & Sedition Acts). He ordered govt. control of railroads during war which Cooper calls one of the most extensive examples of govt. overreach in American history. 2 WW quotes at this time-“Now the world is going to change radically, & I am satisfied that govts have to take over all their great natural resources..& water power; all coal mines & oil fields. They will now have to be govt owned.”
“I believe that a measure of socialism was necessary to ensure opportunity for individuals: I am perfectly sure that the state has got to control everything that everybody needs and uses. “
And finally,
“We do not want a big brother government; I do not want a government that will take care of me. I want a government that will make other men take their hands off so that I can take care of myself.” (the essence of his progressive philosophy and quite different from today’s progressive philosophy of the Democratic Party)
In summary, Wilson created the philosophical foundation for the development of today’s liberal view that the federal government is the solution to most issues of Americans today, and not only has a right to intervene but a duty.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
June 19, 2016
Fans of The West Wing may remember Ainslie Hayes, played by Emily Procter, the Republican lawyer who takes a job in the Counsel’s Office of a Democratic White House. In a bantering argument with Sam Seaborn (Rob Lowe), she asks “How many grand theories of international relations did [Woodrow] Wilson come up with that were dead on arrival in Congress?”
There was, in fact, only one that mattered. But it was massive.
US President at the end of the First World War, Wilson was a leading figure in drawing up the Versailles Peace Treaty that made peace with Germany and launched the League of Nations. That body, the predecessor to the United Nations, was intended to prevent war by using the power of other states against any that tried to impose its will be violence.
As John Milton Cooper points out in this biography of Woodrow Wilson (cleverly entitled Woodrow Wilson: A Biography), Wilson ‘conceded that the League would bring no absolute guarantee against another world war, “but I can predict with absolute certainty that, within another generation, there will be another world war if the nations of the world, if the League of Nations, does not prevent it with concerted action.’
In the event, he couldn’t persuade Congress to ratify the Treaty and the US never joined the League of Nations. There were, undoubtedly, other factors but the world did indeed descend into another world war, as Wilson predicted, within a generation.
Wilson is still the only US President, out of 44, to have held a PhD. He was also President of Princeton before he went into politics. That background may have coloured his approach, based on the need to educate the public, to win their understanding as well as support for his actions.
Princeton was a good training ground for him. It was riven by another kind of politics, and Wilson had to battle to see his initiatives adopted. He enjoyed mixed success, though he contributed significantly to turning the college into a world-class centre or learning and research.
Moving into politics in the other sense, in 1910, at the age of 53, may seem an outlandish career change. However, he won immediate success, becoming Governor of New Jersey. His did well in that role, so he became quickly talked of as a possible Democratic candidate for President in 1912.
That was a good year for the Democrats. Since Abraham Lincoln’s victory in 1860, the Republicans had been out of the White House for only eight of 52 years. But now they were split: ex-President Theodore Roosevelt had fallen out with his old friend and hand-picked successor, incumbent President William Taft. The field was wide open.
Wilson didn’t start as front runner. But an intelligent campaign, run as much by well-chosen advisers as by himself, took him through forty ballots at the national convention, until he seized the nomination from the early favourite. He then went on to win the general election, taking advantage as predicted of the Republican Party split.
In the White House, he took a new approach to legislation, working directly with the Democratic caucus in Congress. This was unprecedented and some suspected unconstitutional, as it might be seen as a breach of the principle of separation of executive and legislative powers. It worked, though, as he pushed through some major elements of his ‘New Freedom’ agenda: he reduced tariffs to make goods cheaper for the poor, he brought in anti-trust legislation against abuse of power by major corporations, he set up the first Federal Reserve system.
These were times of success, but also of tragedy. His wife died in 1914, depriving him of a major source of encouragement and support. Cooper takes us through these dark times for the President, through to the moment he met his second wife the following year. He repeats the description of a secret service guard who saw Wilson dancing a jig in the street as he hummed “oh, you beautiful doll, you great big beautiful doll”, after a meeting with his new love.
Internationally, the clouds were gathering. War broke out in Europe in August 1914. Both Wilson and his secretary of State, William Jennings Bryan, three-time defeated candidate for President, long-time leader and conscience of the Democratic Party, and committed pacifist, set out to keep the US neutral. However, the behaviour of Germany, especially its use of submarines which led to American deaths in sinkings of liners, made it increasingly difficult to stick to that path. Eventually, Bryan went, disillusioned with what he saw as Wilson’s increasingly bellicose stand. Finally, in 1917 Wilson decided the US had no choice but to join the war against Germany.
That led to eventual victory and the peace negotiations at Versailles. When he returned to the US, he faced serious opposition to ratification of the Treaty. Cooper makes a persuasive case that he was already a dangerously sick man; his ill health combined with the loss of Democratic control of the House and Senate meant that Wilson couldn’t again pull off the trick of pushing his measures through Congress as he had in the past. And worse was to come: when he took the case for the Treaty, and for the League of Nations, to the country on a speaking tour, he wore himself out and suffered a serious stroke.
The last year and a half of his Presidency were a sad period, as a once-giant of the political arena shrank into a disabled old man, unable to come to an accommodation with his opponents and take the US into the League of Nations. In 1920, the Republicans recaptured the White House and both Houses of Congress by large majorities.
So the fictional Ainslie Hayes was right. On a huge question, he backed an important proposal that was dead on arrival in Congress. And, wrecked by ill health, he struggled on when he should have gone. In what I found one of the saddest moments in the book, Cooper shows us Wilson still making preparations for another run at the presidency just weeks before his death.
Cooper’s book sometimes suffers from being a little too academic, too long on detail. But it is scrupulously fair and excellently researched, showing the President as he truly was, including his failures, even his inability to shake fully the racist views absorbed from his Southern roots.
Overall, it gives a vivid and invaluable picture of a remarkable man in fascinating times.
There was, in fact, only one that mattered. But it was massive.
US President at the end of the First World War, Wilson was a leading figure in drawing up the Versailles Peace Treaty that made peace with Germany and launched the League of Nations. That body, the predecessor to the United Nations, was intended to prevent war by using the power of other states against any that tried to impose its will be violence.
As John Milton Cooper points out in this biography of Woodrow Wilson (cleverly entitled Woodrow Wilson: A Biography), Wilson ‘conceded that the League would bring no absolute guarantee against another world war, “but I can predict with absolute certainty that, within another generation, there will be another world war if the nations of the world, if the League of Nations, does not prevent it with concerted action.’
In the event, he couldn’t persuade Congress to ratify the Treaty and the US never joined the League of Nations. There were, undoubtedly, other factors but the world did indeed descend into another world war, as Wilson predicted, within a generation.
Wilson is still the only US President, out of 44, to have held a PhD. He was also President of Princeton before he went into politics. That background may have coloured his approach, based on the need to educate the public, to win their understanding as well as support for his actions.
Princeton was a good training ground for him. It was riven by another kind of politics, and Wilson had to battle to see his initiatives adopted. He enjoyed mixed success, though he contributed significantly to turning the college into a world-class centre or learning and research.
Moving into politics in the other sense, in 1910, at the age of 53, may seem an outlandish career change. However, he won immediate success, becoming Governor of New Jersey. His did well in that role, so he became quickly talked of as a possible Democratic candidate for President in 1912.
That was a good year for the Democrats. Since Abraham Lincoln’s victory in 1860, the Republicans had been out of the White House for only eight of 52 years. But now they were split: ex-President Theodore Roosevelt had fallen out with his old friend and hand-picked successor, incumbent President William Taft. The field was wide open.
Wilson didn’t start as front runner. But an intelligent campaign, run as much by well-chosen advisers as by himself, took him through forty ballots at the national convention, until he seized the nomination from the early favourite. He then went on to win the general election, taking advantage as predicted of the Republican Party split.
In the White House, he took a new approach to legislation, working directly with the Democratic caucus in Congress. This was unprecedented and some suspected unconstitutional, as it might be seen as a breach of the principle of separation of executive and legislative powers. It worked, though, as he pushed through some major elements of his ‘New Freedom’ agenda: he reduced tariffs to make goods cheaper for the poor, he brought in anti-trust legislation against abuse of power by major corporations, he set up the first Federal Reserve system.
These were times of success, but also of tragedy. His wife died in 1914, depriving him of a major source of encouragement and support. Cooper takes us through these dark times for the President, through to the moment he met his second wife the following year. He repeats the description of a secret service guard who saw Wilson dancing a jig in the street as he hummed “oh, you beautiful doll, you great big beautiful doll”, after a meeting with his new love.
Internationally, the clouds were gathering. War broke out in Europe in August 1914. Both Wilson and his secretary of State, William Jennings Bryan, three-time defeated candidate for President, long-time leader and conscience of the Democratic Party, and committed pacifist, set out to keep the US neutral. However, the behaviour of Germany, especially its use of submarines which led to American deaths in sinkings of liners, made it increasingly difficult to stick to that path. Eventually, Bryan went, disillusioned with what he saw as Wilson’s increasingly bellicose stand. Finally, in 1917 Wilson decided the US had no choice but to join the war against Germany.
That led to eventual victory and the peace negotiations at Versailles. When he returned to the US, he faced serious opposition to ratification of the Treaty. Cooper makes a persuasive case that he was already a dangerously sick man; his ill health combined with the loss of Democratic control of the House and Senate meant that Wilson couldn’t again pull off the trick of pushing his measures through Congress as he had in the past. And worse was to come: when he took the case for the Treaty, and for the League of Nations, to the country on a speaking tour, he wore himself out and suffered a serious stroke.
The last year and a half of his Presidency were a sad period, as a once-giant of the political arena shrank into a disabled old man, unable to come to an accommodation with his opponents and take the US into the League of Nations. In 1920, the Republicans recaptured the White House and both Houses of Congress by large majorities.
So the fictional Ainslie Hayes was right. On a huge question, he backed an important proposal that was dead on arrival in Congress. And, wrecked by ill health, he struggled on when he should have gone. In what I found one of the saddest moments in the book, Cooper shows us Wilson still making preparations for another run at the presidency just weeks before his death.
Cooper’s book sometimes suffers from being a little too academic, too long on detail. But it is scrupulously fair and excellently researched, showing the President as he truly was, including his failures, even his inability to shake fully the racist views absorbed from his Southern roots.
Overall, it gives a vivid and invaluable picture of a remarkable man in fascinating times.
October 18, 2018
A slog of a read in its first half, during Wilson’s career in academia, the pace picked up dramatically to cram his presidency and final years into the second half. Ultimately, details were sufficient throughout, although more could have been said of Wilson’s faults and indifference at times. Cooper was fair, however, calling out Wilson’s wrong-headed decisions as well as his good ones. For a single-volume biography, this did its job, but Wilson—and the time—deserve more pages. I also enjoy an ending that wraps up the other aspects of a president’s life which this lacked, such as the fates of his wife, children, friends, and staff. But there was a nicely-packaged note on Wilson’s legacy, as well as nods throughout the book to “what might have been.”
June 20, 2019
A very long book with some events repeated and future events mentioned while the chronological story line continues. It was interesting to know some of the inner moments in WW decisions not mentioned in H.S. history class.
September 18, 2025
I was surprised how much I enjoyed learning more about Woodrow Wilson’s life and presidency. While not the most exciting book I’ve ever read, it was genuinely engaging and ended up dovetailing surprisingly with the International Human Rights class I’m currently taking in law school.
August 1, 2021
Shatters many long-standing claims about Wilson. Could have been more interesting prose, dry at times.
December 18, 2025
A well-researched and digestible account of our 28th president. Critics (me) call Wilson “wet-blanket-in-chief” and “diva for the ages.”
April 12, 2025
I hit a wall at a certain point in this book (chapter 11 to be precise). To my surprise, that point was after Woodrow Wilson became President of the United States. The author began to lose me during his discussion of Wilson’s legislative successes as president. There was nothing inherently awe-some (or LBJ-esque) about his legislative maneuvers and nothing truly memorable about the legislation he signed, except for the Federal Reserve Act (which is itself not the most titillating topic but one the author calls “the greatest legislative triumph of Wilson’s presidency”) and the Revenue Act (which lowered tariffs and re-established the federal income tax — pretty relevant today, I’d say).
What made this biography somewhat redeemable though was Wilson’s “passion” — discussed at the end below.
Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born a southerner, but “[a]s an urban minister’s son, he had a more sheltered upbringing than did the mischief-filled, rough-and-tumble southern white boys depicted in Mark Twain’s stories.” He got rid of his southern accent in adolescence and ditched his first name in law school.
He first went to college in North Carolina, took a gap year, and then transferred to Princeton, which at the time wasn’t yet officially “Princeton.” He went to law school because “I thought it would lead to [a political career]” but dropped out in his second year and moved in with his parents. He studied the law on his own and passed the Georgia bar exam. He abandoned his law practice after a year to pursue a PhD and a profession in teaching.
He became president of Princeton University in 1902, which happens on page 79 of this book. That must have been why I wrote in my notes that “This book moves at a breakneck speed.” Oh, how little I knew.
He became Governor of New Jersey in 1910 at the age of 53 through the patronage of party bosses of the NJ machine. But no sooner had he become governor than he betrayed those bosses. For Wilson, who had himself been so bitterly betrayed by friends in his life before politics, this must have been a natural evolution. “It is a pitiless game,” he would say. He was governor for only two years. Accordingly, the author affords only 15 pages to those years.
He ran for president in 1912 against both William Taft and Theodore Roosevelt. But before that, he had to run for the party’s nomination, and as someone who had been in politics for all of two years it was an uphill battle indeed. In the event, Wilson, with much intriguing behind the scenes by his people, eked out a win on the 46th (!) ballot.
The 1912 presidential election “pitted the most colorful presidential politician since Andrew Jackson against the most articulate presidential politician since Thomas Jefferson.” Wilson called Roosevelt “a very, very erratic comet on the horizon.” Roosevelt accurately but disparagingly called Wilson a “Professor.” The author draws an excellent comparison of Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt at the end of Chapter 8. A contemporary summarized it thus:
Wilson became the 28th President of the United States at the age of 55, on page 198. He left Princeton, where he had lived longer than any other place in his life, for “new adventures amongst strangers.”
Then I hit the wall shortly thereafter.
Aside from the painfully dry blow-by-blow account of Wilson’s presidency, I took exception to the author’s suggestion (on page 452) that Wilson might have had a stronger hand to play had the First World War gone on for a little longer. It goes without saying that greater American involvement in the War would have strengthened America’s position in the post-war peace negotiations, but I think it’s quite clear why American involvement was as limited as it was. Wilson could easily have used the German sinking of the Lusitania in 1915 as pretext, but he chose not to (for various reasons), whereas some of his contemporaries—notably Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge—were pushing for an active role in the conflict early on. The mistake was Wilson’s.
The final 100 pages redeemed this book, but just barely. Georges Clemenceau had once remarked, “[W]hen I talk with President Wilson, I feel as if I am talking to Jesus Christ.” Perhaps he was onto something. Wilson’s peace mission — specifically, his crusade for the League of Nations — in the wake of World War I, first in Paris, then at home, had a messianic tinge.
The author brilliantly sets the scene in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles in 1919 where the Germans, in a tragic twist of fate, were made to sign a treaty akin to a “death warrant” in the same place and on the same table where they had crowned their first emperor in 1871 and had forced the French to sign the treaty ending the Franco-Prussian War, respectively. What follows is Wilson’s “passion” — his final suffering.
Wilson ended up giving forty speeches in twenty-one days on his speaking tour across the country in an effort to win the public over to his side on the issue of the League of Nations. In what would turn out to be his final speech of the tour, Wilson closed his address to a crowd in Pueblo, Colorado:
“We have accepted that truth [of justice and of liberty and of peace], and we are going to be led by it, and it is going to lead us, and through us, the world out into the pastures of quietness and peace such as the world has never dreamed of before.”
Daniel Patrick Moynihan would later call it a “speech from the cross.” Wilson could not have known that a fateful stroke was imminent — one that would leave him, according to a reporter, “only the shattered remnant of the man.” It came in October 1919 and altered his life forever. The author — no uncritical admirer of Wilson — writes that “He should not have remained in office” after his stroke.
After the presidency, “Woodrow Wilson lived the rest of his life in twilight.” He lived for three more years. Incredibly, he thought about running for president in 1924. Apropos of nothing, Wilson made a fascinating and prescient remark to one of his former students in early 1924 when he said, “Some day another Bismarck will arise and the Germans will wipe the French off the face of the earth—and I hope they do.” That was nine years before Hitler’s rise to power, who came very close to doing just what Wilson had hoped.
Overall, this book felt interminable. Woodrow Wilson, although now less staid and more human in my mind having read this, is still largely two-dimensional. Maybe that’s unavoidable. Maybe there’s no writer in the world that could make his whole life interesting to me. But I regret that it took me nearly two months — time that could have been spent on several TBR books — to finish this.
Giving this 3.5 stars.
“If I were not a Christian, I think I should go mad, but my faith in God holds me to the belief that He is in some way working out His own plan through human perversity and mistakes.”
- Woodrow Wilson
Some factoids I couldn’t fit into this review:
1. He was the first PhD president (though he never was a rapid or voracious reader).
2. He was the first Democrat to win a second consecutive term since our nation’s first Democratic president, Andrew Jackson.
3. He was the first sitting president to visit Europe.
4. His 1916 slogan, “He kept us out of war,” was, in fact, more a reference to the close call between the US and Mexico than to the war in Europe.
5. He coined the motto “America First.”
6. He loved Hamilton, loathed Jefferson.
7. He was tricked into screening “The Birth of a Nation” at the White House.
8. He broke with fellow Democrats by calling for American seizure of Hawaii, Guam, and the Philippines during the Spanish-American War.
9. He broke the custom, started by Jefferson, of not appearing in person before Congress.
10. He was initially against women’s suffrage but eventually came to favor it and supported the 19th Amendment.
What made this biography somewhat redeemable though was Wilson’s “passion” — discussed at the end below.
Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born a southerner, but “[a]s an urban minister’s son, he had a more sheltered upbringing than did the mischief-filled, rough-and-tumble southern white boys depicted in Mark Twain’s stories.” He got rid of his southern accent in adolescence and ditched his first name in law school.
He first went to college in North Carolina, took a gap year, and then transferred to Princeton, which at the time wasn’t yet officially “Princeton.” He went to law school because “I thought it would lead to [a political career]” but dropped out in his second year and moved in with his parents. He studied the law on his own and passed the Georgia bar exam. He abandoned his law practice after a year to pursue a PhD and a profession in teaching.
”The law was the only endeavor where he fell short. He failed at it in his old age for the same reason he had in his young manhood—his heart was not in it.”
He became president of Princeton University in 1902, which happens on page 79 of this book. That must have been why I wrote in my notes that “This book moves at a breakneck speed.” Oh, how little I knew.
He became Governor of New Jersey in 1910 at the age of 53 through the patronage of party bosses of the NJ machine. But no sooner had he become governor than he betrayed those bosses. For Wilson, who had himself been so bitterly betrayed by friends in his life before politics, this must have been a natural evolution. “It is a pitiless game,” he would say. He was governor for only two years. Accordingly, the author affords only 15 pages to those years.
He ran for president in 1912 against both William Taft and Theodore Roosevelt. But before that, he had to run for the party’s nomination, and as someone who had been in politics for all of two years it was an uphill battle indeed. In the event, Wilson, with much intriguing behind the scenes by his people, eked out a win on the 46th (!) ballot.
The 1912 presidential election “pitted the most colorful presidential politician since Andrew Jackson against the most articulate presidential politician since Thomas Jefferson.” Wilson called Roosevelt “a very, very erratic comet on the horizon.” Roosevelt accurately but disparagingly called Wilson a “Professor.” The author draws an excellent comparison of Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt at the end of Chapter 8. A contemporary summarized it thus:
“There was none of that violent slamming of doors, clamor of voices, secretaries rushing to and fro, and the sense of great national issues being settled in the antechamber that characterized Mr. Roosevelt’s term in the White House. The window curtains swayed in a warm breeze; things were unhurried, yet the feeling in that room was of a powerful organization, as if no moment were wasted—as if an immense amount of work was being done.”
Wilson became the 28th President of the United States at the age of 55, on page 198. He left Princeton, where he had lived longer than any other place in his life, for “new adventures amongst strangers.”
“This is an office in which a man must put on his war paint.”
- Woodrow Wilson
Then I hit the wall shortly thereafter.
Aside from the painfully dry blow-by-blow account of Wilson’s presidency, I took exception to the author’s suggestion (on page 452) that Wilson might have had a stronger hand to play had the First World War gone on for a little longer. It goes without saying that greater American involvement in the War would have strengthened America’s position in the post-war peace negotiations, but I think it’s quite clear why American involvement was as limited as it was. Wilson could easily have used the German sinking of the Lusitania in 1915 as pretext, but he chose not to (for various reasons), whereas some of his contemporaries—notably Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge—were pushing for an active role in the conflict early on. The mistake was Wilson’s.
The final 100 pages redeemed this book, but just barely. Georges Clemenceau had once remarked, “[W]hen I talk with President Wilson, I feel as if I am talking to Jesus Christ.” Perhaps he was onto something. Wilson’s peace mission — specifically, his crusade for the League of Nations — in the wake of World War I, first in Paris, then at home, had a messianic tinge.
The author brilliantly sets the scene in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles in 1919 where the Germans, in a tragic twist of fate, were made to sign a treaty akin to a “death warrant” in the same place and on the same table where they had crowned their first emperor in 1871 and had forced the French to sign the treaty ending the Franco-Prussian War, respectively. What follows is Wilson’s “passion” — his final suffering.
“[Y]ou know, and I know, that these ancient wrongs, these present unhappinesses, are not to be remedied in a day or with the wave of a hand. What I seem to see—with all my heart I hope I am wrong—is a tragedy of disappointment.”
- Woodrow Wilson
Wilson ended up giving forty speeches in twenty-one days on his speaking tour across the country in an effort to win the public over to his side on the issue of the League of Nations. In what would turn out to be his final speech of the tour, Wilson closed his address to a crowd in Pueblo, Colorado:
“We have accepted that truth [of justice and of liberty and of peace], and we are going to be led by it, and it is going to lead us, and through us, the world out into the pastures of quietness and peace such as the world has never dreamed of before.”
Daniel Patrick Moynihan would later call it a “speech from the cross.” Wilson could not have known that a fateful stroke was imminent — one that would leave him, according to a reporter, “only the shattered remnant of the man.” It came in October 1919 and altered his life forever. The author — no uncritical admirer of Wilson — writes that “He should not have remained in office” after his stroke.
After the presidency, “Woodrow Wilson lived the rest of his life in twilight.” He lived for three more years. Incredibly, he thought about running for president in 1924. Apropos of nothing, Wilson made a fascinating and prescient remark to one of his former students in early 1924 when he said, “Some day another Bismarck will arise and the Germans will wipe the French off the face of the earth—and I hope they do.” That was nine years before Hitler’s rise to power, who came very close to doing just what Wilson had hoped.
Overall, this book felt interminable. Woodrow Wilson, although now less staid and more human in my mind having read this, is still largely two-dimensional. Maybe that’s unavoidable. Maybe there’s no writer in the world that could make his whole life interesting to me. But I regret that it took me nearly two months — time that could have been spent on several TBR books — to finish this.
Giving this 3.5 stars.
“If I were not a Christian, I think I should go mad, but my faith in God holds me to the belief that He is in some way working out His own plan through human perversity and mistakes.”
- Woodrow Wilson
Some factoids I couldn’t fit into this review:
1. He was the first PhD president (though he never was a rapid or voracious reader).
2. He was the first Democrat to win a second consecutive term since our nation’s first Democratic president, Andrew Jackson.
3. He was the first sitting president to visit Europe.
4. His 1916 slogan, “He kept us out of war,” was, in fact, more a reference to the close call between the US and Mexico than to the war in Europe.
5. He coined the motto “America First.”
6. He loved Hamilton, loathed Jefferson.
7. He was tricked into screening “The Birth of a Nation” at the White House.
8. He broke with fellow Democrats by calling for American seizure of Hawaii, Guam, and the Philippines during the Spanish-American War.
9. He broke the custom, started by Jefferson, of not appearing in person before Congress.
10. He was initially against women’s suffrage but eventually came to favor it and supported the 19th Amendment.
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