Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Laws That Changed America

by Nick Kotz

“A finely honed portrait of the civil rights partnership President Johnson and Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. forged . . . a fresh and vivid account.” — Washington Post Book World

The Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Nick Kotz offers the first thorough account of the complex working relationship between Lyndon Baines Johnson and Martin Luther King Jr. Tracing both leaders’ paths, from Johnson’s ascension to the presidency in 1963 to King’s assassination in 1968, Kotz describes how they formed a wary alliance that would become instrumental in producing some of the most substantial civil rights legislation in American history: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Drawing on a wealth of newly available sources—Johnson’s taped telephone conversations, voluminous FBI wiretap logs, and secret communications between FBI director J. Edgar Hoover and the president—Kotz examines the forces that drew the charismatic men together and those that eventually drove them apart. Kotz’s focused and incisive examination significantly enriches our understanding of both men.

This book will appeal to people interested in: Lyndon B. Johnson, Martin Luther King, Civil Rights, Race Relations, Voting Rights, 20th Century History, Politics, Political Investigations, Segragation, and American History.

"A powerful reminder that the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts transformed the lives not just of black citizens, but of every American.” — Christian Science Monitor

“A hard-headed, no-nonsense look at these two towering figures of the 1960s … [Judgment Days] vividly re-creates the behind-the-scenes dynamics informing civil rights politics.” — Boston Globe

“An important examination of a critical moment in American history—a battle for our nation’s soul.” — Jimmy Carter

Nick Kotz is the author of five previous books on politics, social justice, and the civil rights movement. A renowned journalist, he has received a Pulitzer Prize and a National Magazine Award. He lives in Broad Run, Virginia.

Genres: History, Nonfiction, Politics, Presidents, American History, Biography, Race

560 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 2005

About the author

Nathan "Nick" K. Kotz was an American journalist, author, and historian.

Reviews

[Mikey B. · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book describes the interacting and colliding lives of Lyndon Johnson and Martin Luther King during the Johnson presidency. The book is more focused (and somewhat more comfortable) with Johnson. Johnson is portrayed as a very colourful and tempestuous individual – running the full range from self-pity to great self-confidence – particularly in the art of political manipulation.

Although this book covers the ground of others (see in particular the three superb volumes of Taylor Branch) its’ great strength is in the presentation of how Johnson was morally swayed by civil rights. Johnson successfully translated the Civil Rights issues into laws that he pushed through Congress and the Senate. Today the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Act are a part of the American landscape. Some of the speeches Johnson made would be inconceivable coming from the mouth of a President in this era – where dissembling is the mode of transmission.

Nevertheless Johnson lied tremendously about Vietnam. This is the great dichotomy of the man. As Kotz points out Johnson knew that Vietnam would jeopardize his ‘Great Society’ social programs, but pursued the suicidal course in Vietnam.

Kotz describes very well the passage of the Civil Rights Bill of 1964 and the Voting Act of 1965. He also speaks of Mississippi Freedom Summer of 1964 and the aftermath of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party on the Democratic Convention.

Like a tumor Hoover ,of the F.B.I., is witnessing the changes brought on by the Civil Rights movement and is trying covertly to manipulate and poison the atmosphere of both these two larger than life characters. The book covers well the tumultuous events of this era.

I do feel that Kotz is harsh on Martin Luther King during his stay in Chicago in 1967. Taylor Branch paints a different view emphasizing a moral and honest human being who believes earnestly in non-violence.

[Cynthia Flowers · Rating 4 out of 5]

In light of the recent flair up between Hillary and Obama re: this very issue, I thought of this book. If you really want to know the real scoop on the complicated, fraught, and ultimately successful relationship between MLK and LBJ, read this book. Two men with great ideals (except for that whole Vietnam thing LBJ...) and very human foibles.

[Tommy Kiedis · Rating 5 out of 5]

Two leaders, who could not be more dissimilar, worked pragmatically and collaboratively to advance civil rights. This is the underlying theme of Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Laws That Changed America. Judgment Days scans the years 1963 to 1968 (the Johnson presidency through the assassination of Dr. King).

Early Praise:
Judgment Days is an outstanding piece of research providing a chronological account of the unique working relationship between President Lyndon Johnson and civil rights icon, Martin Luther King Jr. Masterfully, Kotz details the parallel rise and fade of both leaders and the challenges they faced in their struggle for this common cause and with each other.

Out of the sorrow of John F. Kennedy's assassination and the passion, determination, and skill of President Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. had emerged the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Out of courage an horror on the Edmund Pettus Bridge and in fiery protest throughout the nation, the two men again ignited the nation's passion for justice in passing the 1965 Civil Rights Act. And out of the ashes of burning cities following Dr. King's assassination and Johnson's decision not to seek reelection had come one final declaration for justice written powerfully into the fabric of American law. (p. 421)

Here is what you can expect when you read Judgment Days: Engaging narrative. Surprising facts. Clarifying history. A holistic picture of the tragedies and triumphs of the Civil Rights Movement on the 60's.

Themes I saw in Judgment Days:

1. The political pas de deux (dance by two persons):
Popular conceptions of key figures in the fight for Civil Rights are often generalized misconceptions. I think this is the case with LBJ and MLK. Johnson's caricature is often shaded, a politician who uses civil rights to his own end; a second-string player to JFK in this drama for human freedom. Actually, JFK's political acumen did not match his vision. It took Johnson, the undisputed master of political process to secure not one, but four major pieces of Civil Rights legislation: The Civil Rights Act of 1957, The Civil Rights Acts of 1964, The Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. For his part, Martin Luther King is paraded as angelic, the unflappable unifier of his people, a people on a quest for the Dream. And while King was a leader worthy of his accolades, he was a man of clay feet. He navigated bitter battles within his own movement and was at times at a loss as to his next step. Kotz show us both men, the wonder and warts.

2. Seeing the middle way:
Kotz paints both LBJ and MLK as leaders who pursued "a middle way." Example: King championing a moratorium on civil rights demonstrations for three days prior to the 1964 election (pp. 184f).

King believed that his success as a leader depended on his maintaining credibility with a large, diverse constituency. He would sit quietly through long arguments, and then seek a middle way (p. 186). . . . In their goals, both Johnson and King were seeking radical change in the equities of social justice in America [they both spoke for it, but disagreed about the role of nonviolent demonstration]. In action, however, they both revealed a belief that change is achieved most effectively pragmatic, conciliatory leaders (p. 186).

3. It's Complicated!:
Kotz expertly chronicles "the dilemma" both Johnson and King faced. For example, in 1965, Johnson was pushing legislation associated with his Great Society, while navigating an escalating situation in Vietnam, while working toward voting rights and supporting King, while attempting to avoid a clash with Alabama leadership and the broader "state rights" movement by stepping up federal efforts to protect marchers.

If he were to join King's court petition, it would look as if he were "advocating the god-damn march. If every time [King] wants to march, I go in and tell the judge, 'I want you to enjoin the local officials,' it may look like I'm stirring up those marches. . . . But if you don't you get a lot of killings, and they say, "What did you do?" He paused: "And you didn't do anything." "You've got a hell of a dilemma," sympathized Senator Hill. "Yes, I do," replied Johnson.

King had his own dilemma. Having missed the Selma march (1, preaching at Ebenezer Baptist; 2, concerns over death threats; 3, he didn't expect much to come of march; 4, he was frustrated by the organizers poor planning) he now had hundreds of leaders flooding into Selma to show solidarity for a second march.

On the one hand, canceling the march would embarrass King and the SCLC before both local and national civil rights forces. The momentum building in Selma wold also be lost. On the other hand, SCLC mantra had always been that local and state segregation statues were invalid, but that federal laws must be followed. And King had never defied a federal court order (p. 292).

And now there was a federal court order as Judge Johnson ordered King to cancel the second march until the judicial proceedings (initiated by SCLC and NAACP) concluded.

4. Leaders in a pickle:
King felt the squeeze. Kotz writes, "Martin Luther King, like Lyndon Baines Johnson, walked the treacherous path between a white majority whose consent he had to gain and impatient activists unwilling to follow any leader they judged to be too timid" (p. 320). Johnson too was pressed, enduring constant pressure from Southern Democrats always ready to filibuster against civil rights legislation, the blasé of an American public slow to see or own the everyday difficulties of being black in America, the pressure of African American leaders impatient with the speed of change, and the economic frustration of not being able to afford both guns (increase in defense funding for Vietnam) and butter (increase in domestic spending).

5. The rise and decline of leadership momentum:
LBJ knew his political landslide came with a price. Winning the presidential election in 1964 meant losing the South to the Republicans for the foreseeable future (he was spot on). He also knew that he had to act quickly to secure civil rights legislation as each victory would draw heavily on his tremendous store of political capital.

Perhaps, had he been willing to "lose" the war in Vietnam he could have continued to see Great Society come to fruition. As it was, the writing was on the wall as he approached the election of 1968. He might win, but it would be hollow as his grip on Congress had loosened significantly.

For his part, King's negative reaction to Vietnam and Johnson, while understandable and shared by millions, was actually out of step with African Americans at the time. "A Gallup Poll on September 6, 1967, showed that 67% of nonwhite Americans supported Johnson, compared to only 38% of white Americans" (p. 394). King's efforts to focus on "justice" both at home and abroad gave him a weaker voice with his constituents, especially in the Southern Leadership Christian Conference (SCLC).

Kotz' summary is worth repeating:

King's popularity, like Johnson', was sinking. As 1967 drew to a close, Lyndon Johnson and Martin Luther King, now avowed political enemies, faced identical dilemmas: how to end an escalating war, with mounting casualties, which was siphoning funds from the dream they still shared of a more just society -- and how to deal with increasing hostility from each other as well as from their own hard-won constituencies (p. 378).

Turning Points in the American Civil Rights Movement:

1. Republicans lose the mantle,"The Party of Lincoln."
African Americans abandoned the party of Lincoln for the Democrats due to Republican foot-dragging regarding civil rights. We see this shift in the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) fighting for a place at the 1964 Democratic Convention (see chapter 8). At the same time Barry Goldwater courted Southern Democrats to the GOP with a speech proclaiming, "that extremism in defense of liberty is no vice" (pp. 192-3). A shift was taking place that Johnson saw coming.

2. Watts riots in Los Angeles: Both Johnson and King were caught off guard by the rioting in Watts, which occurred five days after LBJ signed the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Each was basking in the success (and understandably so) of the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Kotz tagged it hubris on the part of both leaders. "With Watts, King came to a fuller awareness that the two great civil rights laws of 1964 and 1965 basically addressed the evils of southern segregation but had barely touched the ghetto's problems of poverty, joblessness, isolation, family disintegration and hopelessness" (p. 343).

With Watts, Martin Luther King began moving toward a far more radical critique of what ailed American society (p. 343).

3. Vietnam becomes LBJ's downfall:

Appreciation for LBJ:

1. LBJ paid the price of progress: LBJ weathered the segregationists split in the 1964 as Southern states rallied against civil rights, even while knowing that the 1964 election and his reforms "were setting in a motion a historic realignment--that the Democrats were about to lose the South, on his watch " (p. 196).

2. LBJ urged Hoover to infiltrate the Klan in '64: This made possible the quick arrest of four men charged with murdering Viola Liuzzo on her way back from the Selma to Montgomery march. The white mother of five had gone to help and was driving back Ben Mouton, a 19-year-old black volunteer.

3. LBJ masterfully navigated a thorny group of constituents to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968. One reason his aids pressured him to run in '68, was that he was "the only guy who could get anything done! No one else knows how to get anything through Congress" (p. 408). LBJ was also responsible for delivering the 1957 Civil Rights Act, the first civil rights legislation since Reconstruction, almost a century earlier.

4. LBJ read the times: He knew that, despite winning the '64 election by a landslide he would lose both the South and his grip on Congress "by expending his political capital gained in the landslide 1964 presidential election" (p. 330). Facing what would most likely amount to a hallow victory at best in the '68 presidential election, John refused to run.

5. LBJ changed! "As a young Texas congressman, Johnson had opposed even the most modest civil rights efforts. Now he was working with the nation's preeminent African America leaders to venture beyond even their efforts to level the racial playing field, economically as well as legally" (p. 335). See also Johnson's comments regarding past mistakes (p. 330).

6. LBJ integrated the federal government: LBJ appointed Thurgood Marshall as the first African American Justice of the Supreme Court, tasked Robert Wise to head the new Department of Housing and Urban Development, he appointed Constance Baker Motley as a U.S. district court judge, Andrew Brimmer, a Ph.D. economist as the first African American to serve on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors. He appointed and mentored younger black leaders on his staff: Roger Wilkins (33), Clifford Alexander (33), and Major Hugh Robinson. See the story of Brimmer and Senator Russell long on page 357.

Appreciation for MLK:

1. King was thrust into the good fight: He was 26 when he began his work of civil rights. He had just received his doctorate from Boston University and begun his pastoral work when he was selected to the lead the bus boycott by black leaders in Montgomery (p. 45)

2. King endured the jealousy of younger Civil Rights leaders (SNCC) and worked to conciliate factions that favored militancy with those working through peaceful means (p. 197).

3. King navigated a thorny group of constituents to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. His death is 1968 was the impetus for Congress to pass the Fair Housing Act, which until then had twice stalled in House and Senate.

4. King's stamina (physical, mental, emotional, spiritual, relational) was amazing. King was just 36 when the Voting Rights act of 1965 passed and had been a leader in the civil rights movement since he was 26.

5. King went to difficult places to pursue justice: Seeking to address the difficulties northern blacks faced, King went to Chicago to confront leaders about joblessness, overcrowded housing, poor schools, lack of health care, [and] a powerless black population locked in their ghetto neighborhoods," King said that the venomous hatred expressed in Chicago was as bad as--or worse than--anything the movement had encountered in the South" (pp. 365-7).

6. King always pressed on despite harboring doubts about his worthiness to lead. "I could hear an inner voice saying to me: 'Martin Luther, stand up for righteousness. Stand up for justice. Stand up for truth. And, lo, I will be with you even until the end of the world.' I heard Jesus saying still to fight on. He promised never to leave me, never to leave me alone" (p. 48).

7. King championed "nonviolent direct action resistance" and maintained it despite calls from many (especially as the movement endured delays and setbacks) to resort to violent upheaval. (p. 49)

Both MLK and LBJ saw the bigger picture and the importance of the legislative process -- not violence -- to bring about change. (p. 197)

Disdain for FBI Director Herbert Hoover:
Hoover utilized wire taps throughout the fight for Civil Rights, constantly eavesdropping on MLK and doing everything within his power to paint King as a communist and degenerate. He attempted to smear those associated with the movement, including Viola Liuzzo, who was murdered by the Klan for her involvement. Kotz: "Hoover seemed determined to show that anyone involved with the civil rights movement was either politically or morally suspect" (p 326). Kotz notes, "Literally hundreds of FBI communications to the White House and to other government agencies clearly captured Hoover's animus toward King and his desire to destroy King's public standing and influence" (p. 386).

Civil Rights in America: How bad was it?

Kotz, as many before him have, helps readers understand the plight of African Americans since Reconstruction. He puts faces on "injustice," "poverty," and "murder."

1. Interesting statistics: On the third attempt at a march to Montgomery, the parade of protestors marched down Highway 80 through Lowndes County where 80% of the population was black--and "not a single African American was registered to vote" (p. 323)

2. Troubling stories: SCLC Volunteer Viola Liuzzo (mother of five) shot and killed by the Klan when on the return trip from Montgomery to Selma (p. 325).

3. The plight in the North as well as in the South.

Leadership Lessons from Judgment Days:

1. Never have an event without a process. Reflecting on Watts, Kotz notes, "that the rhetorical claims of [Johnson & King] for the poverty programs far exceeded any proven knowledge of what they might accomplish" (p. 345). Furthermore, many Johnson allies were claiming that there was too much confusion and lack of coordination in implementing the programs. Watts revealed new problems, problems that government leaders were not willing to tackle with the same alacrity due to initial challenges implementing Great Society programs.

2. Spend your leadership capital wisely. LBJ knew he was quickly using up the political capital of his 1964 landslide victory. He predicted the victory in '64 would cost the Democrats the South (which it did), and he knew his opportunity to act with the same degree of decisiveness and effectiveness would diminish quickly. Watts and the congressional willingness to respond to it legislatively was proving him correct.

3. Leaders Persevere: MLK and LBJ persevered as they faced multiple challenges internal and external.

4. Leaders "know the rules": America's founders intended the filibuster to be an "impediment" against "improper acts of legislation," as Hamilton and Jay wrote in Federalist Paper 62. Kotz notes that the filibuster helps ensure such impediment. In 1919, the Senate adopted Rule 22, providing an end to the filibuster by a two-thirds vote of the Senate. Taht was changed in 1975 to 60 votes. The filibuster is how we got New Mexico and Arizona (p. 113, 115).

Lyndon Johnson, the Enigma:

1. Johnson's response to riots surrounding the assassination of MLK: "What did you expect? I don't know why we're so surprised. When you put your foot on a man's neck and hold him down for three hundred years, and then you let him up, what's he going to do? He's going to knock your block off" (p. 418).

Helen Gahagan Douglas, a liberal California Democrat on LBJ's contradictory qualities: "Ambitious, driving, alert, careful, calculating, secretive, seemingly with inexhaustible energy, sensitive to criticism, vain, an explosive temper that could erupt over the smallest details, a natural talent for organization, a listener--not a reader, a legislative director, organizer--not a legislative designer, an activist--not a planner. LBJ perfected the plans of others. he was an operator, and I say that in the best sense, not a creator" (p. 29).

Quotes to keep:

1. Leadership (King): "A real leader does not rely on consensus. He builds consensus" (p. 409).

2. Opportunity (Johnson): "We must overcome unequal history before we overcome unequal opportunity" (p. 424).

3. Old black lady during the Montgomery bus boycott: "My feets is tired, but my soul is rested" (p. 416).

4. Seizing the moment (Johnson): When a veteran insider cautioned him about expending early goodwill on controversial civil rights legislation, Johnson retorted: "Well, what the hell's the Presidency for?" (p. 22).

5. MLK on LBJ in 1963: "LBJ is a man of great ego and great power. He is pragmatist and a man of pragmatic compassion. It just may be that he's going to go where John Kennedy couldn't" (p. 67)

6. Senator Thomas Kuchel on civil violence: "Civil wrongs do not bring civil rights" (p. 123)

7. MLK on the Klan's threats: "I don't mind bearing the cross, but I'll be damned if I am going to go looking for it" (p. 147).

[Stefan · Rating 4 out of 5]

A solid, well-researched, fairly balanced account of the relationship between Lyndon Baines Johnson and Martin Luther King, as well as the context of Civil Rights directly relating to them or their relationship during the time span the book covers. Judgment Days deals with the direct communications between the two men, how King pressured the government to do more on Civil Rights after John Kennedy's assassination, and how, Johnson tried to respond to this and other domestic issues in his dream of a "Great Society." One major thing I took away from reading this book is how both Johnson and King had to balance the pressure of more radical,liberal groups and individuals (King had to deal several civil rights organizations who wanted bolder and even more violent policies then the ones he pursued) and the more cautious,conservative individuals and groups who social change was occurring too quickly. I found the decision making processes of both men to be fascinating, and also enjoyed how the author detailed the important civil rights and other important related events, people, and organizations in a way that complimented his main focus, without going off target onto other issues (which would be a considerable temptation because of the sheer eventfulness of those times. I found the bittersweet ending to be appropriate, and as the author clearly shows, neither King's nor Johnson's policy was fully implemented (even to this day) and America and the world is worse off for not completing their dreams of a new society which would show the best of democracy.

[Bookmarks Magazine]

Critics agree that the strength of Judgment Days lies in its new approach to an old story. One detractor found the account stale at times, complaining that the section on Vietnam seemed like a rehash. Most readers, however, focused less on the familiarity of Kotz's source material and more on the remarkable insight he brings to a tense relationship. Judgment Days is not an exposé, but rather a personal and psychological approach to an oft-analyzed political moment. Kotz deserves particular praise for his deep examination of Johnson, who emerges from Judgment Days as a man of serious flaws but monumental courage.

This is an excerpt from a review published in Bookmarks magazine.

[Adnan · Rating 5 out of 5]

A very well written account of the civil rights struggle of the '60s and the two principal actors. It was surprising to me how a southern president was so involved in working with Martin Luther King Jr to get these important laws passed. The timing was ominous as I heard recently that an important portion of voting rights bill of '68 has been repealed. Such a pity.

[Kenneth Barber · Rating 5 out of 5]

The heart of this enlightening book is the relationship between two very different men with very different responsibilities. Dr. Martin Luther King is young leader of a rapidly expanding civil rights movement. He is desperately trying to maintain the balance between completing forces in the movement that he has become the leader of. Peaceful activists. Militant black power activists. Students. They all have ambitions to move the civil rights struggle into new directions. Somehow, Dr. King was briefly able to cobble together a coalition that achieved incredible things for civil rights. His partner in this quest could not have been more different. President Lyndon Johnson was the polar opposite of Dr. King. A Texan politician that grew up watching the affects of discrimination against both the poor and Mexican-Americans. Johnson came late to become a true believer in the struggle of African Americans. However, Johnson became a forceful advocate for civil rights in both changing the attitudes of a nation and passing key legislation through a divided Congress. The civil rights struggle was not without its costs. Dr. King lost much of his moral authority when he made the fateful decision to expand the civil rights struggle to advocate for a withdrawal from Vietnam. Many of his long term supporters left his side due to the claim that he had lost his focus. President Johnson saw his legislative dreams halted by the quagmire of Vietnam as the brutal realities of politics took their toll on his well being. I have read biographies of both Dr. King and President Johnson. But never as a study of how their ambitions and goals worked together to achieve their goals.

As we continue to deal with racial and civil rights issues in our own time, I highly recommend this book as a study in both how our country has changed and how we continue to fight the same struggles. I also highly recommend the below link with an interview with the author.

https://www.c-span.org/video/?172350-...

[☯Emily Ginder · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is the history of how LBJ and Martin Luther King worked together to pass the 1964 and 1965 Civil Rights Acts and how the death of MLK led to the passage of 1968 Civil Rights Act. This collaboration was hindered by J. Edgar Hoover who hated King and tried to convince Johnson that King was a Communist. Hoover wiretapped every location King visited, hoping to find enough dirt to discredit him.

The partnership between these two men was shattered by the Vietnam War which King opposed. The war also shifted the focus of white America to an issue other than Civil Rights. Many of the promises of the 1960's were not fulfilled because of the lack of funding due to the cost of the war.

I did get bogged down in some of the political minutiae which LBJ enjoyed, but I, as a reader, did not.

[Tamgrade · Rating 3 out of 5]

Really comprehensive study of how Martin Luther King Jr and Lyndon B Johnson worked together to see the passage of three landmark civil rights laws -- the 1960 Civil Rights Act, the 1964 Voting Rights Act, and the 1968 Fair Housing Act. The book is at its best when it focuses on the different styles of change that each man represents, with MLK focusing on driving public opinion and LBJ a master at the give-and-take of Congressional politics, and how both styles needed to work in tandem to pass such landmark legislation. However, sometimes the book felt bogged down in trivia. If you are researching the time period, this is an extensively researched book that will no doubt be extremely valuable. However, if you are a more casual reader, this might be too dense.

[Abbi · Rating 4 out of 5]

I enjoyed this book and found it to be a compelling read. There’s some awkward phrasing in a couple of places and the end does drag a bit but that’s not unusual for nonfiction. Overall, I’d thoroughly recommend it for a good understanding of the relationship between MLK and LBJ throughout the 60s as well as an understanding of the interactions between the American government and various civil rights organizations throughout the 60s.

[Dan Cotter · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is an excellent book about President LBJ, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the critics work that was done to enact legislation for civil rights. It also shows the work of J. Edgar Hoover and reminds us in many respects of the “law and order” we have with us in current times. Hoover went well out of his way to try to destroy MLK and others while ignoring other conduct. This is a must read for those interested in this time in our nation. Highly recommended.

[Jane Thompson · Rating 5 out of 5]

History

This is one the best Books I have ever read. It covers the legal aspects of the Civil Rights Revolution as managed by
Lyndon Johnson. Martin Luther King's factions and beliefs are a!so featured. If you want to know how it really happened orthodox the book you want to read.

[Shannon Morence · Rating 5 out of 5]

Very enlightening on both sides

This book spoke in plain language and told the story that started right when JFK was assassinated. The author wrote about MLK Jr and LBJ both, so you get both perspectives. I could not put the book down. And I learned a lot about what President LBJ did for the civil rights movement. This is a must read for anyone interested in American history.

[Kartik Krishnaiyer · Rating 5 out of 5]

Really thorough

An important historical work reading the relationship between two of the towering giants of 20th century American history. Well worth a good read.

[Jim Swike · Rating 5 out of 5]

I did not know how involved LBJ with Martin Luther King. Learned a lot. Great reference book, enjoy!

[Lisa · Rating 4 out of 5]

A dense, compelling, and well-researched read.

[John · Rating 4 out of 5]

Plows much of the same ground as Caro and Dallek do, but much more concisely. There is some new material based on the author's many interviews of participants, whose number is dwindling, and, apparently, access to newly obtained documents. Great reminder about what the mid-60s were like for African Americans and the civil rights movement, with quotes from die=hard segregationists that we need to be reminded of. Excellent focus on the truly revolting, destructive, and illegal actions of J. Edgar Hoover. The book is flawed by prolix, intrusive, and distracting footnotes, most of which the reader should simply skip. Does a good job of showing how tormented both MLK and LBJ were, both by their opponents and more so, of course, by their allies and by each other.

[Vernon · Rating 4 out of 5]

I've always been a fan of LBJ and MLK but this book enlightened me even more. It read almost like a novel. Lots of great information acquired through the Freedom of Information Act. I was especially fascinated by Lady Bird's role in the LBJ presidency since she is one of the subjects in my recent book FELICIANO AND LADY BIRD.

[Jbondandrews · Rating 4 out of 5]

I enjoyed reading Judgement Days. It is a pity that LBJ wasted the good that he had done for the African Americans by getting involved in Vietnam. He should have just concentrated on what he could do rather than what he couldn't. And as the book concluded there is still much to be done for the poor of America.

[Joel · Rating 5 out of 5]

The best book about Johnson and King and their legacies (the good, the bad, and the ugly) I have read. The opening chapter is very moving and it continues from there. It's like living the times again and the lessons for today are still very clear. If only......

Read it, my friends.

[Karen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Fantastic book that was dramatic and educational and really gave me a feel for the era and personalities involved

[Marsha]

NPR spring 05 runner-up --

[Rachel]

Even if you shy away from non-fiction this is a great read. Very good for Texans that know the Johnson family as one of their own.

[Carla wynn · Rating 4 out of 5]

Excellent!! This book was recommended by Andrew Young after the movie Selma as released and there was such an uproar about how President Johnson was depicted.

I learned a lot that I did not know.

[Jessi · Rating 2 out of 5]

I had to read this t for grad class. Not really my type of book. Too many names. Couldn't keep them all straight.

[Geraldine · Rating 5 out of 5]

This was an excellent about the civil rights struggle told both from Martin Luther King's and Lyndon Baines Johnson's perspective.

[Moira · Rating 5 out of 5]

Awesome. Amazing. So engrossing.

[Rob · Rating 5 out of 5]

So freaking good. History as it should be written. Wonderful read.

[Gordon Kwok · Rating 5 out of 5]

Great book about the relationship between LBJ and MLK. My favorite part was the part about how the Voting Rights Bill was passed.

[Michelle · Rating 5 out of 5]

So, so, so good.