While Hubert Humphrey is on the cover, this book is more about the fight for civil rights within the Democratic Party than it is about this unique man. Much of the earlier portion of the book covers the usual topics of a biography – Humphrey’s childhood, his courting of his wife, explains how he moved to Minnesota, and experiences that caused him to be more concerned about civil rights but, the author goes off repeatedly on the path of how the civil rights struggle caused struggle within the Democratic Party with the climax Humphrey’s famous civil rights speech at the 1948 Democratic Party Convention. While writing this unique book, Freedman includes so many interesting tidbits of history including:
• How one trip to Washington DC, planned to attend a Boy Scout jamboree that was cancelled, made a significant mark on a young Humphrey. He was able to see President Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation come to life. While reading about his experiences, I thought of my own visit to DC the first time with my mom and, while I never lived or worked in DC, it made a difference in the work I did. It also shows how important it is for our system to have internships to allow those who do not come from wealthy families to also be able to live out those dreams through paid internships on Capitol Hill, nonprofits, and unions.
• Freedman addresses how different Jews and Blacks were treated in Minneapolis than in St. Paul, a city a short streetcar ride away. While the larger city had laws that looked good, there was purposely no enforcement, so citizens of Minneapolis lived a different, much more unfair life. That was good research and helped explain how Humphrey had some guts for taking up civil rights as part of his mayoral plank.
• Immigration patterns explained by Freedman was instructional. He spoke about how the assassination of Tsar Alexander II of Russia brought many Jews to America – and Minneapolis – because of the antisemitic laws passed in 1881. Eastern European Jews flooded into the cold city moving from a population of 6,000 in 1900 to over 16,000 by the 1930’s.
• Later, Hitler’s rise brought a renewed attack on Jews in our own country with the German American Bund organizing chapters, media, and outspoken leaders of antisemitism. Freedman provides a first-rate account of how Jew haters took control largely because others did not take them seriously in this rural state, as occurred in many areas of the world.
• A. Philip Randolph’s contribution to the civil rights movement is explained well in this book, a fitting tribute. Having come from the labor movement and even read a book on this civil rights leaders work, it was still good to read about his accomplishments.
• While being pushed to run for Governor and Senator, Mayor Humphrey decided to run for Senate in part because the Governor’s brother was his own handpicked chair of his civil rights board. It was an illustration of how politics work.
• For those who have not read much about the discrimination against African Americans in establishing the New Deal programs, this book outlines how laws like Social Security, Public Housing, and even the G.I. Bill purposely excluded African Americans.
• Freedman did an excellent job disclosing how disastrous Truman’s re-election battle looked as he approached the convention with others lining up to steal his nomination and the political pundits already declaring Truman more dead than Roosevelt. The leaders of both the AFL and CIO skipped the convention, convinced the party’s nominee was going down in flames.
The book chronology how Humphrey learned more outside the classroom about Jews and Blacks at Louisiana State University than in the school, starting with the train trip where African American customers had to move to a much less desired train car at the dividing line of the Civil War; Blacks had to move to the ‘Jim Crow car” behind the locomotive and travel along with the smoke of the train and without the food provided in the other cars. For the first time, Humphrey met Jews and learned more about their plight.
It was interesting how Humphrey struggled financially, personally and repeatedly as he tried to set up programs without the funding and evidently rather ignorant that he was skipping that step. His political expediency that he often exhibited came to haunt him when he backed Johnson’s Viet Nam war later in his life and tarnished his progressive record forever. Late during WWII, he went from speaking about the importance of the war to trying to join to look good to voters as he planned to become a politician. Earlier in life, he brought together the Farmer-Labor party and Democratic Party in a move that still helps the Democrats nationally to make his largely rural state a strong performer for the Democrats.
The lead up to his famous speech was worth the price of reading the entire book. The author speaks about how Humphrey tried to secure the votes for a more progressive view of civil rights at the convention without securing the support. He points out that the Cleveland-based Railroad Trainmen passed on giving support because the leader knew his Southern members would object. Failing to secure the votes while shuffling from room to room, the author points out that Humphrey was considering backing down; the national party leader threatened him and Humphrey wanted to win the senate seat that year. His wife’s constant push might have made all the difference. The party leader from New York also spoke to the 37-year-old politician and assured him New York’s votes. Finally, a women colleague argued that Humphrey should use President Truman’s own words in selling a stronger version of civil rights since Truman made a speech earlier that year than instantly backed down from his unpopular position. Like other books on civil rights in the 1930s and ‘40’s, the book addressed the power of southern, racist Democrats within the party and especially within the committee leadership in the Senate.
While Randolph attacked from the outside, preaching to Blacks that they should not register for the draft – a highly controversial approach – and picketed the convention, Humphrey and a few of his friends attacked from the inside. It’s often a winning formula and might have helped give Humphrey the courage and provide evidence to others who were voting but not engaged in the fight a reason to vote for a stronger civil rights platform.
This book makes the reader feel like they are in Philadelphia looking over Humphrey’s shoulders when he was finally convinced at 5 am the day of the minority reports to take the plunge. It illustrates that people we view as brave and unrelenting also have their doubts and personal ambitions that might be in jeopardy if they do the right things. It also shows the power of fighting from within to dramatically changing the course of an organization. The pendulum doesn’t swing to a side of more justice, it has to be pushed and that’s what this young man did that day, reluctantly.
This book illustrates the actual speech and reaction. The author gave credit to Humphrey’s wife for her husband making a shorter speech, something he rarely did. He was more focused and, while nervous, had the right tone to move the necessary votes. Equally important to the 15,000 conventioneers was the 60 million Americans listening to his speech, testing their own bigotry with adding a simple, common-sense paragraph to the party’s platform. His amendment won by 651.5 to 582.5. Equally historic was his push led the Southern bigots to walk out of the convention hall and over the next two decades move into the Republican Party. It was amazing to read how “Bull Connor” was chair of the Alabama Party delegation, the same man who claimed world-wide fame by turning to violence against peaceful demonstrators for civil rights.
Reading how Humphrey had doubts and “didn’t want to ruin my career, to go from mayor ‘pipsqueak’ to oblivion,” causing him to reconsider his values was fascinating. The author indicates that Truman’s decision to bring back Executive Order 9980 to require equal treatment and opportunities for those who serve as because of the party’s surprised decision.
The book ended quickly after that famous speech that made Humphrey a powerhouse within his party. He helped Truman win his state as he won his senate seat. The book briefly spoke about Humphrey’s closing days with cancer, being upbeat until the end and dying at just 66-years-old.
Freedman might have had a more compelling book had he brought out more about Humphrey’s drive and strange caution versus his conviction learned through life experiences. As a kid, I always thought it was strange that this guy who seemed to have guts and a strong moral compass would sit back and witness the killing of so many Americans and others in an endless war. Freedman raises Humphrey’s own personal drive, his selfish focus on career over even family vacations, and political calculations that might hold him back from the next office. Had Freedman spared us some details and going off on path’s away from the actual story by using research he uncovered that did not progress the story line, perhaps we would have learned a more compelling lesson. It was also disappointing that the book did not include the story about how Humphrey called hospital presidents in the South as Vice President telling them they were receiving considerable funds with the newly enacted Medicaid law but needed to desegregate their hospitals. That story would have fit well in this book.