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Cambridge Middle East Library
Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali
This account of Egyptian society in the reign of Muhammad Ali traces the beginnings of the nation state in Egypt. It considers Muhammad Ali as part of a social group whose economic interests led them in the direction of trade with Europe as a means of raising money for further investments. They attempted to increase agricultural exports and to use the profits to create industry; then, following the logic of imperialists, their next step was to seek to conquer the surrounding areas to find markets for their industries and sources of raw materials. These policies brought them into conflict with their suzerain, the Ottoman sultan, and with England, since England needed markets in the Middle East. England sought to destroy the new regime in Egypt as a means of exerting influence on the region. In carrying out these economic changes, the country underwent a series of internal developments that were to revolutionize the structure and shape of Egyptian society. The rules of landownership were altered and large estates were formed, Egyptian fallahin were drafted into the army, and the administration was Egyptianized, establishing the groundwork for a nation state.
312 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1984
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About the author
Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot
13 books14 followersAfaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot is an Egyptian-born historian, professor of history at the University of California, Los Angeles, who has written on the history of Egypt since the eighteenth century.
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Displaying 1 - 5 of 5 reviews
January 22, 2015
In Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali, Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot ‘s argument revolves around the idea that Muhammad Ali’s actions were motivated primarily by economic concerns that evolved out of local, regional, and global circumstances and postulates that his grand plans for modernization “were doomed to fail in Egypt […] because of external European pressures”. Because Egypt did not have any intrinsic obstacles to industrialization that could not be overcome under Ali, she believes strongly that explanations that lay the blame on internal factors are essentially Orientalist in nature, as are claims that his projects were too ambitious. The author presents a narrative of Egypt under Ali’s lengthy reign that highlights the positive developments fostered by his charismatic personality and laments the European and Ottoman scheming that prevented him from achieving even more.
Marsot’s first chapter provides a contextualizing history of Egypt shortly prior to Ali’s arrival, where the first seeds of centralized institutions and commercial polices were planted by both the French during their brief occupation, as well as the Mamluk Beys themselves. Ali, the author argues, observed these ideas in action, but learned from the mistakes of others and worked towards a more coherent policy that could form the basis of a nation-state. Following a brief chapter that engages Ali as a man, Marsot chronicles his rise to power following the French invasion, emphasizing the political and military cunning that earned him the title of wali (governor) of Egypt despite his unpopularity at the Ottoman center. The author suggests in chapter four that Ali was perceptive enough from the beginning to recognize Egypt’s potential as a regional power in trade and commerce, but realized that he first had to acquire an army, and the necessary financial resources to support it, before he could make any bold moves that might upset the British or the Ottomans. His first attempt to meet these needs entailed land reform, which upset his alliances with the ulama and the remaining Mamluk factions. Using particular members of the ulama to restrain the majority, and massacring the remaining Mamluk families in 1811, Ali built a new alliance with state bureaucrats that was supported by select segments of the ulama and merchant classes.
Chapter five expands upon these burgeoning relationships, highlighting the introduction of foreign specialists (particularly Armenians) into the bureaucracy and explicating the particular roles played by his family members under his regime. Moving into a more detailed analysis of Ali’s rule, Marsot argues that the early days of his Egyptian policy were characterized by ad-hoc, circumstantial mercantilist objectives. The first strategic changes came in the form of land reforms that helped accommodate new trade networks, the development of industry as a means of cutting down on imports, and the modernization of the army so that it could be used to conquer new markets. Chapter six is an in-depth examination of Ali’s internal policies, beginning with the notion that, having no security in his lineage, his overarching task was to construct and independent and hereditary territory. His first step in this direction was the establishment of law and order as a means of securing his state and its trade networks. He followed this with a reform of the governates that emphasized centralization and the education of bureaucratic functionaries, as well as financial reform that had the primary objective of eradicating corruption. The army, meanwhile, went through several stages of attempted modernization, before settling on conscription as his tool for developing a formidable fighting force.
Chapter seven delves into the heart of Marsot’s narrative, the economic account. There was a need for Ali to achieve independence from the Ottoman Empire in order to engage genuine mercantilist projects, but this had to come without disrupting the economic interests of other nations. Nonetheless, Ali refused to trade with Europe on their terms and instead instituted his own monopolies that superseded any Ottoman capitulations. The resultant trade surplus, as well as a reform of taxation, allowed him to invest in increased agricultural production and cultivation through substantial irrigation projects. Among other major reforms were the creation of a better tax collection system that reduced exploitation, new methods of production that cut out middlemen, the construction of a new class of rural notables to control the countryside, improved land exploitation, and the development of a more loyal administration that could control the excesses of the bureaucracy. No longer wanting to depend on the Nile for the economic security of the nation, Ali utilized these new developments to lead an industrialization drive, beginning with war-related industries. Textile factories were then built to offset the costs of war and, from 1815 on, the cotton industry experienced a boom that threatened European interests. As his industrial base grew, Ali began to pursue a policy of important substitution, which in turn led to a desire for military expansion to secure new markets and old trade routes.
In her ninth chapter, Marsot argues that all of Ali’s major military campaigns were undertaken with the potential commercial benefits in mind, even if those benefits amounted primarily to having leverage over the Ottoman center that would allow him to make and fulfill more demands. The end result was the Syrian campaign, which gave Ali control of the region and an opportunity to centralize its trade under his monopolies. This proved unpopular, however, with Syrian conscription being the issue that transformed internal dissent into outright rebellion. Ali’s conflict with European interests, meanwhile, led the British to force the Ottomans to abolish the Egyptian monopolies and, as a result, Ali’s financial base. Fear of a direct confrontation with the British, combined with the revolt in Syria, resulted in Ali’s withdrawal from Syria and the end of his economic ambitions. The Egyptian leader’s final goal was to secure an administrative and economic system that would survive him, but the trade treaties and the loss of Syrian markets led to additional hardships on the already beleaguered Egyptian industry and caused its collapse.
Overall, Marsot highlights commercial interests as the driving force behind Ali’s regime and faults their conflict with European objectives for his projects’ eventual failure. Given that this analysis is primarily economic, her prose can seem dry and stifled at times, particularly for those who are not interested or engaged with this subject. Her narrative also suffers from a lack of clarity at several junctures due to informational gaps that are not developed fully and, on occasion, a tendency to squeeze in too much information and nuance without proper elucidation. Nonetheless, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali does an excellent job of piecing together its subject’s life in the form of a cohesive narrative and it is a worthwhile read for anyone seeking new insight on this important historical figure.
Marsot’s first chapter provides a contextualizing history of Egypt shortly prior to Ali’s arrival, where the first seeds of centralized institutions and commercial polices were planted by both the French during their brief occupation, as well as the Mamluk Beys themselves. Ali, the author argues, observed these ideas in action, but learned from the mistakes of others and worked towards a more coherent policy that could form the basis of a nation-state. Following a brief chapter that engages Ali as a man, Marsot chronicles his rise to power following the French invasion, emphasizing the political and military cunning that earned him the title of wali (governor) of Egypt despite his unpopularity at the Ottoman center. The author suggests in chapter four that Ali was perceptive enough from the beginning to recognize Egypt’s potential as a regional power in trade and commerce, but realized that he first had to acquire an army, and the necessary financial resources to support it, before he could make any bold moves that might upset the British or the Ottomans. His first attempt to meet these needs entailed land reform, which upset his alliances with the ulama and the remaining Mamluk factions. Using particular members of the ulama to restrain the majority, and massacring the remaining Mamluk families in 1811, Ali built a new alliance with state bureaucrats that was supported by select segments of the ulama and merchant classes.
Chapter five expands upon these burgeoning relationships, highlighting the introduction of foreign specialists (particularly Armenians) into the bureaucracy and explicating the particular roles played by his family members under his regime. Moving into a more detailed analysis of Ali’s rule, Marsot argues that the early days of his Egyptian policy were characterized by ad-hoc, circumstantial mercantilist objectives. The first strategic changes came in the form of land reforms that helped accommodate new trade networks, the development of industry as a means of cutting down on imports, and the modernization of the army so that it could be used to conquer new markets. Chapter six is an in-depth examination of Ali’s internal policies, beginning with the notion that, having no security in his lineage, his overarching task was to construct and independent and hereditary territory. His first step in this direction was the establishment of law and order as a means of securing his state and its trade networks. He followed this with a reform of the governates that emphasized centralization and the education of bureaucratic functionaries, as well as financial reform that had the primary objective of eradicating corruption. The army, meanwhile, went through several stages of attempted modernization, before settling on conscription as his tool for developing a formidable fighting force.
Chapter seven delves into the heart of Marsot’s narrative, the economic account. There was a need for Ali to achieve independence from the Ottoman Empire in order to engage genuine mercantilist projects, but this had to come without disrupting the economic interests of other nations. Nonetheless, Ali refused to trade with Europe on their terms and instead instituted his own monopolies that superseded any Ottoman capitulations. The resultant trade surplus, as well as a reform of taxation, allowed him to invest in increased agricultural production and cultivation through substantial irrigation projects. Among other major reforms were the creation of a better tax collection system that reduced exploitation, new methods of production that cut out middlemen, the construction of a new class of rural notables to control the countryside, improved land exploitation, and the development of a more loyal administration that could control the excesses of the bureaucracy. No longer wanting to depend on the Nile for the economic security of the nation, Ali utilized these new developments to lead an industrialization drive, beginning with war-related industries. Textile factories were then built to offset the costs of war and, from 1815 on, the cotton industry experienced a boom that threatened European interests. As his industrial base grew, Ali began to pursue a policy of important substitution, which in turn led to a desire for military expansion to secure new markets and old trade routes.
In her ninth chapter, Marsot argues that all of Ali’s major military campaigns were undertaken with the potential commercial benefits in mind, even if those benefits amounted primarily to having leverage over the Ottoman center that would allow him to make and fulfill more demands. The end result was the Syrian campaign, which gave Ali control of the region and an opportunity to centralize its trade under his monopolies. This proved unpopular, however, with Syrian conscription being the issue that transformed internal dissent into outright rebellion. Ali’s conflict with European interests, meanwhile, led the British to force the Ottomans to abolish the Egyptian monopolies and, as a result, Ali’s financial base. Fear of a direct confrontation with the British, combined with the revolt in Syria, resulted in Ali’s withdrawal from Syria and the end of his economic ambitions. The Egyptian leader’s final goal was to secure an administrative and economic system that would survive him, but the trade treaties and the loss of Syrian markets led to additional hardships on the already beleaguered Egyptian industry and caused its collapse.
Overall, Marsot highlights commercial interests as the driving force behind Ali’s regime and faults their conflict with European objectives for his projects’ eventual failure. Given that this analysis is primarily economic, her prose can seem dry and stifled at times, particularly for those who are not interested or engaged with this subject. Her narrative also suffers from a lack of clarity at several junctures due to informational gaps that are not developed fully and, on occasion, a tendency to squeeze in too much information and nuance without proper elucidation. Nonetheless, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali does an excellent job of piecing together its subject’s life in the form of a cohesive narrative and it is a worthwhile read for anyone seeking new insight on this important historical figure.
February 5, 2018
كتاب مهم جدا أعتقد عن فترة حكم محمد علي ..
موضوعي بشكل كبير ويعرض سيرة الباشا في تسلسل غير معقد ...يهتم بالإشارة للظروف التاريخية المؤثرة في الحدث ...
من أهم ما فيه أعتقد الفصل الأول وما تعرض له من الوضع في الفقرن الثامن عشر وأواخر فترة حكم المماليك لأنه بمثابة مؤشر لما سيحدث ولماذا حدث
وحين يورد رأي لمؤرخ غربي يوضح الظروف التاريخية والسياسية التي قيل فيها ..
لا يكفي بالتأكيد لفهم الباشا وعصره ولكنه يصلح كمقدمة رصينة للبداية في الفهم و الدراسة
هو أيضا يساعد في فهم بنية الدولة المصرية الحالية ودور الجيش فيها و بداية تشكيل الهوية الوطنية المصرية
الفصل الأخير هو أكثر الفصول مأساوية وتراجيدية ... نهاية المشروع الكبير لمحمد علي والتدخل الأجنبي وانهيار مقومات الدولة التي كان يأمل في بنائها ...
وإكتفائه بالملك وتوريث أبناؤه ...
موضوعي بشكل كبير ويعرض سيرة الباشا في تسلسل غير معقد ...يهتم بالإشارة للظروف التاريخية المؤثرة في الحدث ...
من أهم ما فيه أعتقد الفصل الأول وما تعرض له من الوضع في الفقرن الثامن عشر وأواخر فترة حكم المماليك لأنه بمثابة مؤشر لما سيحدث ولماذا حدث
وحين يورد رأي لمؤرخ غربي يوضح الظروف التاريخية والسياسية التي قيل فيها ..
لا يكفي بالتأكيد لفهم الباشا وعصره ولكنه يصلح كمقدمة رصينة للبداية في الفهم و الدراسة
هو أيضا يساعد في فهم بنية الدولة المصرية الحالية ودور الجيش فيها و بداية تشكيل الهوية الوطنية المصرية
الفصل الأخير هو أكثر الفصول مأساوية وتراجيدية ... نهاية المشروع الكبير لمحمد علي والتدخل الأجنبي وانهيار مقومات الدولة التي كان يأمل في بنائها ...
وإكتفائه بالملك وتوريث أبناؤه ...
October 21, 2014
A dry book and the economic development of Egypt during the reign of Pasha Ali. Agricultural growth, industrial, trade and more. Somewhat dull, did not especially go into much depth. I am sure there are better books on Egypt and on Muhammad Ali. Most books raise ideas and provide new ideas. This one basically failed.
Want to read
February 3, 2011I love having the internet in class- professor just recommended this.
September 27, 2022
I find 19th century Egypt to be a really fascinating time/place to learn about, and that's mostly because of Muhammad Ali (the pasha, not the boxer). Born in Greece to an Ottoman family of merchants, he joined the Ottoman army, rose in the ranks, and ended up in Egypt leading a rebellion to overthrow the last Mamluk leaders, situating himself as the Ottoman viceroy of Egypt.
And what a time to rule in! Between the Napoleon, the printing press, the British, industrialization, the Wahhabis--there was SO much going on at that time. Muhammad Ali took advantage of these changes by taking the lead in introducing them to Egypt—he completely transformed Egypt’s economy by introducing new crops, agricultural methods, industrialization (for example, under him, several different types of factories were opened, producing: glass, processed indigo for dyes, carpets, tarbushes, sugar, paper, silk). Usually, the Eurocentric narrative goes that European engineers came to Egypt and benevolently taught them the ways of the modern world, but love Marsot's emphasis that Muhammad Ali is the one who invited them in the first place and pretty much had them all under his control.
This is the advantage when we have historians from the same background of the people they study—not only is Marsot able to study Arabic primary sources, but she is able to bring a non-Eurocentric perspective (which, to be fair, is more common in recent historians’ work, but was less common when she wrote this book in the 80s). She also debunked a lot of British reports that ignorantly claimed that Egypt was going into decline at the time or flat-out made up lies about what they saw.
I appreciate the details about Muhammad Ali that humanized him—his personality, relationships with family members and officials, etc. I was especially fascinated by the irony of how Muhammad Ali identified himself--he firmly identified as Ottoman, not Egyptian, and yet he fought for Egypt's independence from the Ottomans. The fact that his sons felt more Egyptian than Ottoman also reminded me of what many first- and second-generation immigrants go through, and it was interesting to see how that played out in the ruling family of Egypt and how that affected Egyptian national identity.
Overall, this book took a very top-down approach—looking at government policies/officials and how they affected society/working classes instead of the other way around. While I would’ve liked more insight into the non-elite and the ulama, I understand the author’s decision to keep it more top-down as it is, after all, about Muhammad Ali.
This is an academic book, and there are some dry parts (my mind shuts down when it comes to economy and prices and military details lol), but I highly recommend for anyone interested in Muhammad Ali or the 19th century Middle East!
And what a time to rule in! Between the Napoleon, the printing press, the British, industrialization, the Wahhabis--there was SO much going on at that time. Muhammad Ali took advantage of these changes by taking the lead in introducing them to Egypt—he completely transformed Egypt’s economy by introducing new crops, agricultural methods, industrialization (for example, under him, several different types of factories were opened, producing: glass, processed indigo for dyes, carpets, tarbushes, sugar, paper, silk). Usually, the Eurocentric narrative goes that European engineers came to Egypt and benevolently taught them the ways of the modern world, but love Marsot's emphasis that Muhammad Ali is the one who invited them in the first place and pretty much had them all under his control.
This is the advantage when we have historians from the same background of the people they study—not only is Marsot able to study Arabic primary sources, but she is able to bring a non-Eurocentric perspective (which, to be fair, is more common in recent historians’ work, but was less common when she wrote this book in the 80s). She also debunked a lot of British reports that ignorantly claimed that Egypt was going into decline at the time or flat-out made up lies about what they saw.
I appreciate the details about Muhammad Ali that humanized him—his personality, relationships with family members and officials, etc. I was especially fascinated by the irony of how Muhammad Ali identified himself--he firmly identified as Ottoman, not Egyptian, and yet he fought for Egypt's independence from the Ottomans. The fact that his sons felt more Egyptian than Ottoman also reminded me of what many first- and second-generation immigrants go through, and it was interesting to see how that played out in the ruling family of Egypt and how that affected Egyptian national identity.
Overall, this book took a very top-down approach—looking at government policies/officials and how they affected society/working classes instead of the other way around. While I would’ve liked more insight into the non-elite and the ulama, I understand the author’s decision to keep it more top-down as it is, after all, about Muhammad Ali.
This is an academic book, and there are some dry parts (my mind shuts down when it comes to economy and prices and military details lol), but I highly recommend for anyone interested in Muhammad Ali or the 19th century Middle East!
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