I found this book to be extraordinary. This despite the fact that it can be a difficult book to follow, due to the exhaustive detail that Prof. Scott gives about the overwhelming evidence for a cover-up following JFK’s death. (This is something the book has in common with Thy Will Be Done: The Conquest of the Amazon: Nelson Rockefeller and Evangelism in the Age of Oil by Gerard Colby and Charlotte Bennett, which lays out all of the connections between Standard Oil, the Wycliffe Bible Institute, Citibank, State Department, CIA, foreign governments, etc. in the attempt to fight the nationalization of oil production in Latin America and Asia.) Readers who are not already extremely well-versed in the details of the JFK assassination could find these parts of the book difficult. More important, however, is Prof. Scott’s thesis: the murder of JFK, and the behavior of the government about his murder, points to overwhelming evidence of complicity, even cooperation, among federal law enforcement agencies, local law enforcement, organized crime, and politicians at all levels of our government.
Prof. Scott notes that he will not, through this book, try to solve the mystery of who killed the President. Surprisingly, there is actually a bigger question to be answered: what kind of politics explains the lack of resolve by multiple government committees to solve a crime of this magnitude? The author’s term, “deep politics,” will be part of this explanation. The detail the author provides about names, dates, documents, government reports, testimony before Congress, and many other sources serves to demonstrate his mastery of the subject and to show that, in all likelihood, the confusing nature of the President’s murder is in part a deliberate attempt to divert investigations (as half-hearted as they were), mask meaningful connections among those associated with the crime, and stall for time.
Major points in the book: the image of “the Mafia” or “La Cosa Nostra” represents a kind of fallback position for the FBI, which for years denied the existence of any such organization. This denial works in two ways: by denying that there exists an organization made up of Sicilians that controls much of the drug traffic into the U.S. following WWII, the FBI could cover up a more complex truth – the existence of a multi-ethnic web of corruption, adapting itself to and corrupting local politics and law enforcement throughout the country. Scott shows that this web had extended its influence so far that it could affect U.S. foreign policy.
How so? Sicilian Mafia members, some of whom were repatriated to Sicily following World War II, were used as intelligence assets there in fighting communism. The FBI and CIA, since World War II, protected certain traffickers, who would turn in smaller and/or competing traffickers in return for favors or protection from the government; the evidence that Ruby had been an informant for the FBI is overwhelming. (At a minimum, the attempt to hide Ruby’s Mob connections was clear; even the Special House Committee on Assassinations conceded that the Warren Commission had this kind of omission.) Mob interests in Cuba were huge before Castro’s revolution, and the Mob shared the FBI’s loathing of communism for this reason, if nothing else.
Scott theorizes a two-part cover-up: 1) advancing of a theory of a Communist and foreign-supported attempt to murder the President, stemming from Cuba and/or the Soviet-Union; 2) advancing of the theory that Oswald acted alone, that is, a refutation of the first, bogus theory that is similarly bogus, but that could serve as a safe position for the Warren Commission to support in order to avoid a potential armed and maybe nuclear conflict with the USSR. Both of these theories divert attention away from the deep ties between organized crime, federal law enforcement, local politicians nationwide, far-right political groups, and at least in the 60s and 70s, organized labor.
Scott lays out a preponderance of evidence to show that JFK’s murder was almost certainly supported by a machinery of those with right-wing beliefs that wanted more aggressive action by the President against communism, particularly in Vietnam, as well as those defense contractors who would benefit from the increased military spending this would require. He points out other moments in History when presidents that have tried to move towards a less aggressive foreign policy have found fierce resistance from powerful interests in the military-industrial complex and national intelligence. He cites Nixon and Reagan as two other examples, with the former’s détente with China and the latter’s signing of arms treaties with the USSR.
Regarding Oswald himself, Scott presents the evidence that Oswald was working for the federal government, attempting to infiltrate groups like the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, a pro-Castro group, while remaining in contact with at least 5 members of the CIA-backed Cuban Revolutionary Council (81). Oswald publically disputed with and was fined for scuffling with Carlos Bringuier (of the anti-Castro group Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil) in New Orleans in 1963. Oswald also appeared on a radio program “debate” with Bringuier in which Oswald revealed himself to be a Marxist; these actions would have served as creation of a “legend” (a false background reputation created for intelligence operations) of Oswald as a leftist. Later, the revelation that Oswald had gone to the Soviet Union was used to portray him as a leftist radical, when what was more likely was that Oswald was part of an intelligence program made up of “defectors” to the USSR who would work as double agents for the U.S.
Scott makes clear that it may be impossible to prove definitely which people (plural) fired at JFK that day. But the overwhelming evidence of a coverup shows that multiple interests combined to mount the forces that led to his death.