一位藏族革命家——巴塘人平措汪杰的时代和政治生涯

by Melvyn C. Goldstein, 梅·戈尔斯坦, Dawei Sherap

本书是平措汪杰（Phunwang）的政治自传。平措汪杰是 20 世纪西藏革命的重要人物，早在求学时，他的激进主义已经蕴酿，并创立了一个秘密的西藏共产党。1949 年，他的西藏共产党与毛泽东的中国共产党合并。平措汪杰在拉萨共产党的行政体制上扮演了重要的角色；1954 至 1955 年间，在年轻的达赖喇嘛与毛泽东多次著名的会面中，平措汪杰担任达赖的翻译员。50 年代时期，平措汪杰是西藏共产党内级别最高的藏族官员。他能操说流利的中文，并专心致力于共产党的事务，虽然如此，他对西藏人民生活福利的坚贞承诺，却为大权在握的汉族同事所见疑。1958 年，他被秘密关押，3 年后，他被监禁在中央高级干部隔离反省所，刑期长达十八年。

作者通过平措汪杰亲自陈述，把达赖喇嘛、国民政府和中华人民共和国之间的关系活灵活现的描绘出来，并展现了他一生寻求新西藏的风风雨雨。



梅・戈尔斯坦是凯斯西部保留地大学约翰・雷诺兹・哈克雷斯人类学教授，及西藏研究中心联合主任。道帏喜饶是出生于西藏的学者，长期在中国内地居住和工作，撰有大量关于平汪的著作。威廉・司本石初是凯斯西部保留地大学英语系主任。黄潇潇是哥伦比亚大学东亚语言文化系历史专科研究生。



「任何人如果希望了解西藏，平措汪杰的政治自传是必看的书。」 ──《纽约书评》

「这本充满活力的自传是现代西藏历史宝贵的一页。」 ──Booklist

「它既是一个关于理想和勇气的故事，也是一项关于诚信和历史失误的目录。」 ──《金融时报》

Genres: China, History, Biography, Nonfiction, Buddhism

424 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 2004

About the author

Melvyn C. Goldstein is John Reynolds Harkness Professor of Anthropology and Codirector of the Center for Research on Tibet at Case Western Reserve University, and a member of the National Academy of Sciences.

Reviews

[Tyson Gee · Rating 4 out of 5]

Irregardless of his pro-China stance on Tibetan issues, Goldstein provides an insight into hidden aspects of Tibetan history few will ever delve into. This book altered my view on Tibetan politics and made me change my preconceived notions about the relationship of communism and Tibet.

[P C · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book was...so hard. BPW had diagnoses of the problems of Tibetan society, but they were predicated on a limited understanding of what tibet was. The reductionist class analysis, glorifying of China for being 'educated' and 'modern', and denigration of buddhism didn't sit well with me. His faith in ideology led him to believe the chinese (increasingly unreasonably as the book went on) when they said their project was communism & not colonialism. He looked to Soviet models of regional autonomy [though "autonomous republics" are lip service in colonial formations like the Soviet union], but still ultimately believed in Chinese sovereignty in tibet. I became more and more sad/mad at the self loathing & denial (when he says that the CCP will liberate tibet because they're not like the "old chinese" of the GMD, or actively facilitates the chinese invasion of central tibet - appendix B point 4 is most incriminating), but I still think the book is important for its insight into the turbulence and nuance of the time.

[Lauren · Rating 4 out of 5]

Anyone who wants to learn more about the Tibet situation.

[Annie · Rating 5 out of 5]

An essential read for anyone interested in Tibet from a Tibetan socialist perspective. I'd been looking for just such a thing for a while, and it is so impressive to see how committed of a Marxist Phüntso Wangye is and how passionate he is about building a Tibetan socialist society. This is an autobiography of Phünwang's life as Tibetan revolutionary and one of the most important Tibetan cadres in the Chinese Communist Party. As his biographers say, his story is one that deserves to be told on its own; Phünwang was at the center of some very pivotal moments in Sino-Tibetan history like helping negotiate the Seventeen Point Agreement. I was also surprised by how many contacts he had with the highest ranking CCP officials as well as the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama.

Phünwang's perspective also helped me understand a little more about Tibetan internal politics and power struggles between different political entities like the Tibetan government in Lhasa and people in Kham. It helped me better understand what class struggle and class-based oppression looked like in Tibet before and after 1949, and why, despite being angered by the abuse of the Tibetan lower classes by the upper classes, Phünwang's preferred strategy was to win over the upper classes first and proceed with political and economic reforms slowly to convince the Tibetan people overall that the Chinese were committed to genuine friendship and support.

I was personally very moved by Phünwang's commitment to revolutionary struggle and how he really took the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao to heart. Building organizations, recruiting people, meeting with representatives of the USSR, CCP, and CPI, dodging persecution from the KMT and Tibetan government alike, preparing for guerilla war, he was truly a committed revolutionary with love for socialism and for Tibet. I do understand why the Dalai Lama said that as long as Phünwang was in the Chinese Communist Party, there would be hope for Tibet. A truly exemplary Tibetan cadre—who despite facing unjust persecution during the anti-rightest campaign and torture during his eighteen years of imprisonment, still came out just as fervent of a believer in Marxism. His forceful defense of ethnic minorities and equal political rights of all nationalities in the PRC, grounded in socialist principles, is certainly a model I hope the CCP can follow not just in Tibet but for all of China's peoples.

[Rebecca · Rating 4 out of 5]

A fascinating and easy to read depiction of the life of Tibetan CCP member Phunwang. He founds the Tibetan Communist Party before the PRC is established, trying to do his best for the Tibetan people. It's his goal his whole life, although it's not always attainable despite his best efforts. The history of modern Tibet, as seen through his life, has obvious implications for Tibet today. It's one of those books that's hard to put down. However, I probably would have understood the book better if I had more a background in modern history of Tibet and the context in which Phunwang was living. The authors do a good job of explaining some of the things Phunwang's narrative does not, and adding in relevant outside sources, for example the Dalai Lama's memoir.

[Jun Mai · Rating 4 out of 5]

Phuntso's autobio offers a good look on the Tibetan issue from within the regime. He worked closely with the CCP and led the PLA to Tibet in 1951. He introduced CCP's in-theory egalitarian nationalities policies to Dalai, so much as Dalai started saying "I'm a Marxist". He served as Dalai and Panchen's interpreter in late 1950s and was purged after the Dalai's exile in 1959. Today when we look at the preamble of China's constitution, the fact that "equality" was there and precedes "unity" and "cooperative" in the nationalities part, owes much to Phuntos's lobbying, as he risked being thrown into jail again, where he used to spend 18 years in solitary confinement.

[Kim · Rating 4 out of 5]

This was a very interesting story. It came about through a series of visits between friends and what struck me most was that, through these visits and recored talks, Bapa (the Revolutionary) kept saying how his life wasn't all that great and how he really didn't make that much of a difference in the end. Guess he was wrong. Check it out if you want a good read.

[Van · Rating 3 out of 5]

The PLA had its problems, but Phuntso will tell you that the Dalai Lama and Tibet's feudal aristocracy needed to be changed.

[Tsering123 · Rating 5 out of 5]

Truely inspiring, a soul awakening person and story.

[he chow]

坐牢的部分比較有趣。

坐大牢進行思想改造的部分我大概讀了三種類型人物。
外國神父僅僅是寫自己履歷和罪狀的自我思想檢查就已經是非人虐待了；
上海資本買辦屬於監獄裡還能矯情一種別樣生活方式；
藏民叛徒這位屬於政治錯誤級別太高，
十八年來的自我修行
雖然比不過巴比龍
但其作為共產黨人的覺悟的詭詐性也挺高超的。