The book did a tremendous job covering the Pullman strike of 1894 and arguing that it was arguably the biggest labor uprising of the era.
I knew the early portions of the story - the Pullman company, his model town, and how/why his laborers went on strike in 1894. I was less familiar with the Debs portion of the story, but Kelly really brings that to life. Early on he has a chapter discussing how Debs was able to beat the Great Northern Railroad, which established the ARU in the nation. Pullman workers were eligible for membership in the ARU, which is how the local Chicago strike began nationalized. Throughout the strike, Debs was aware of the dangers the strike posed the still not yet secure union, but the problems of the Pullman workers convinced him that something had to be done.
Once the ARU got involved, seemingly the entire rest of the story is one of escalation. The ARU refused to move Pullman cars, making the local strike a national affair. But an association of railway men saw in this strike an opportunity to break the new union. They put their full weight behind Pullman. Throughout, Pullman insisted that he nothing to negotiate - the men walked off their jobs, therefore were no longer employees. So why negotiate? Many other railway men thought he was thickheaded, but they were going to back him no matter what. They saw to it that if Pullman cars didn't move, nothing would move.
So for a bit, nothing moved. Pullman and others were stunned at how much support the ARU had among workers and the public at large. Pullman assumed that any sympathy action for his company's striking workers would be modest and soon peter out, but instead there was the threat of shortages of supplies across the country as the strike deepened. Debs worried about this turning the public against the strikers, but plenty still supported them.
The real key turning point wasn't public opinion - it was the opinion of government. Grover Cleveland was president and a firm supporter of business. Perhaps the most consequential decision of his presidency was to make Richard Olney his attorney general. Olney was not only a lawyer for railroad companies before becoming attorney general, but he got an agreement that he could still do some business if he served as attorney general. Olney sided as heavily with companies and against Debs's union as possible. He helped the companies create a very strong injunction against the workers' refusal to move the Pullman cars. Jack Kelly notes that up until now, injunctions had been used rather sparingly in labor disputes, but this was full-throated involvement by the courts: an omnibus injunction. Kelly writes than an injunction criminalizes action that would ordinarily be legal, and I've never thought of it in those terms - but, yeah, that's what they do. Olney also helped concoct the plan to attach rail cars with the federal mail to Pullman cars, and arrest people if they didn't move the mail. Until now, workers had made sure to deliver the mail, but now railway companies made sure to always attach mail cars to Pullman cars. Olney convinced Cleveland to send in the troops (not that it was so hard to convince Cleveland of that). They sent troops to Illinois despite the governor never requesting them. This was new. Until now, troops had only been involved in labor disputes at the request of governors. It was done dispute minimal violence so far - but was justified by the supposed violence. Instead of calming the situation, the arrival of troops inflamed things. This is when rioting started in earnest. Gen. Miles in Chicago played it up dramatically, and things kept escalating further. 32 would die before it was all over. Cleveland's administration essentially ended all pretense of being neutral as it openly began siding with the railroads to break the strike.
Debs and the ARU had one card to play: a general strike. If laborers across society went out, that could outflank the railroad companies. (I'm not fully clear if it was just in Chicago or across the nation, but I believe it was intended to be national). This would be one final escalation - would be, if it happened. Things fell out of control before that could occur. Too much violence & federal intervention. Too strong a line by the government against the strike. And Samuel Gompers of the AFL was willing to voice support for the ARU, but was slow walking any move to a general strike. By the time the big meeting to ask for a general strike occurred, Debs realized it was over and didn't make a serious push for one. But for a week or so, there was serious talk of it.
Debs went to jail for violating the injunction, and came out a socialist, which he remained the rest of his days. Pullman won the battle, but the fight clearly wore on him, as he became more irretiable than ever and frequently suffered serious headaches. He soon died.
My reading of the situation: Grover Cleveland's 2nd term in the White House is a historic missed opportunity. His heavy support for business & Olney helped doom the labor movement for a generation - it never gained this level of momentum until the Great Depression. Could the strike have won if Cleveland's administration hadn't put their thumb so heavily on the scale? We'll never know, but it's obvious that the actions by Cleveland, Olney, & Miles were crucial in breaking it. You know what? The difference between the 1890s and the 1930s might just be Cleveland and FDR. One saw the problems of the day as a reason to try something new while the other saw the problems of the day as a reason to beat down those who wanted to change things. That's not totally fair and there were other differences (the recession began shortly after Cleveland became president while FDR came to power four years after the Depression began), but Cleveland's narrowly pro-business attitude brings up the question, "What might have been?"
Anyhow, it's a really good book. There is one dumb error near the end (Kelly says that after Cleveland, the Dems never controlled Congress & the White House at the same time again until 1910. Er, does he mean 1912?) But Kelly does a great job on the central stuff.