"Whether you live in a democracy that's become sclerotic and corrupt, like ours, or an authoritarian society that wants to control what you do and learn, it is important to remember that others don't take our power so much as we give it away. We give it away by not organizing or participating, out of a fatalistic sense that it doesn't matter, that 'my vote won't count anyway.' But mark well: there is no such thing as not voting. Not voting IS (ital) voting--to hand power to others, whose interests may be inimical to your own. And not organizing IS (ital) organizing--for the people who mean to dominate you." (20)
"People on the right and the left today agree that in practice the circuit breakers are not working. We agree that our political and economic systems--the markets of ideas and of goods that are supposed to give us meaningful, empowering choices--have become corrupt at the core. Unfortunately, each idealogical group has a big blind spot when it comes to detecting concentrated power. Liberals do not see government overreach; conservatives do not see corporate overreach.
What if right and left could merge their half-blind perceptions and create a more truly binocular sense of the political system? What if more people, equipped with an understanding of how all the elements of power in civic life come together, used that binocular vision to challenge monopoly and the hoarding of power in all its forms?" (61)
"The phrase 'Black Lives Matter' has become controversial for reasons that reveal the power illiteracy and selective deafness of its critics. That becomes clear if we imagine the pregnant silences around and between those three words. Listen for them: Black lives matter FINALLY (ital). Black lives ALSO (ital) matter. Black lives SHOULDN'T (ital) matter LESS (ital). The activists are inplying those unspoken words, even if their opponents do not hear them.
This is the central imaginative and strategic move of Black Lives Matter. To say the phrase is to ask, in effect, WHAT IF black lives mattered? WHAT IF they mattered as much to our society, government, and institutions as white lives always have? Which forces us all to face the history, legacy, and persistence of white supremacy in law and culture. Choose your metric: life expectancy, quality of schooling, housing discrimination, job discrimination, health outcomes, wealth, income, criminalization, execution. On every measure, America truly values black life less highly than white (indeed, non-black) life." (121-2)
On how power can be organized by story, Andrew Slack and the Harry Potter Alliance (136)
"Society becomes how you behave. This is a statement of network science: your behaviors and attitudes are contagious, rapidly and often imperceptibly. It is also a statement of ethics: your behaviors and attitudes are contagious, rapidly and often imperceptibly. The takeaway, either way, is that small actions (and omissions) compound. When you choose compassion or contempt, courtesy or discourtesy, civility or incivility, you begin a cascade of mimicry." (155)
"Power, remember, is like fire. It is inherently neither good not evil. It can be put to all kinds of uses. What determines how power is deployed is you: your character, your ethics, your motives. This, indeed, is yet another way that you're more powerful than you think. You, at every turn, are the one in charge determining why you want power, and why you give it or use it the way you do.
But in this era of concentrated wealth, severe inequality, and rigged rules we have a master narrative that power IS (itals) inherently evil. That's why the civic myths of this age are dark political melodramas like 'House of Cards' and grim fantasies like 'Game of Thrones' in which nice guys finish headless and the only winners are those who lie, cheat, and kill. We're not in 'The West Wing' anymore, folks. Mr. Smith died in Washington.
These times can make it seem like childish thinking to believe you can make a difference or move the system. They make it seem savvy to believe in conspiracy and futility: to adopt the cynic's worldview. And this is deadly. For all the anger in our political culture today, it is not rage that most threatens the legitimacy of our democracy. Rage is healthy even when it is ugly. It forces reckoning. You can respond to rage, whether it comes from the left or the right or the disenfranchised unaligned, with a call to action: DON'T GET MAD; GET POWER (itals)." (188)