I gave it just three stars, but it's possible I'm being too hard on it. The book wasn't what I expected it to be, and it took me a while to accept what it was. It got better as it went along.
The title made me thing it was going to focus heavily on contemporary Chicago. After all, inequality is a trendy topic nowadays - and add the word "modern" to it -- well, that really sounds like it's going to be recent.
Not quite. This does get into the 21st century, but begins way back in the Progressive Era. Essentially, it's a history of Chicago since 1900. (Why start then? Frankly, I'm not fully sure, other than the Progressive Era was an era of an increasing scope of government and bureacritzation of it).
One other problem I'd say about this book: the rubrics or "power and inequality" are a bit too general. You could fit just about anything into this, so sometimes it felt a little flat to me; more like a general history than a particular point.
OK, for the material itself.....
Chicago seemed to be coming apart in the Progressive Era. It was tops in violence and had as series o bad labor strikes in 1904-05 (stockyards and teamsters). There was racial anxiety. This helped lead to the City Beautiful movement and the Burnham Plan. There was the race riot and later Cermak's election. For Diamond, Cermak was more about making business work than fighting for social justice and his term neutralized anti-capitalist rhetoric. The first chapter thus takes a third of the 20th century.
Black Chicago was emerging with the Defender as its paper. A lot of "policy" betting occurred, and it helped prop up all sorts of black businesses. A. P. Randolph got his union going, but had to overcome the initial opposition of the black churches. Real estate was a growing industry in Bronzeville.
Race in 1940s Chicago cost Ed Kelly the job as mayor. Blacks were part of the machine. Zoot suits became a symbol of a new attitude in the ghetto. Englewood: blacks enter and whites flee. Whites use terror to keep blacks out of a neighborhood.
The 1940s racial violence was largely hidden from the outside world, but it blew up for the nation in Cicero 1951. Blacks were angry at Kennelly. Trumball Park also made national news. Daley took over with the motto, "good government is good politics." Daley handed over planning to Chicago's future development to the city's business community. It's proto-neoliberalism. But patronage was a quasi-Keynesian thing that cut against any neoliberalism. Neighbhorhoods opposed his urban renewal plans.
There was increasing tension between white and black youth gangs. Puerto Ricans began arriving and gangs attacked them. Willis became a hero to the Bungalow Belt in the early 1960s. Black gangs began playing a leading role and MLK tried to win them over. It fell apart as they didn't trust non-violence, especially after Marquette Park's march. Working class blacks often didn't care about open housing. Some top gangs staged plays, helped calm near-riots, led vocational training efforts in the late 1960s.
1968 brought riots. Nixon's Law&Order backlash fit perfectly with Daley. Chicago was a backlash city before the term caught on. Red Squad stifled local leftist activity. Blackstone Rangers didn't support Fred Hampton. Cops killed him and Mark Clark. In the 1970s, Chicago lost 15% of the retail stores, 25% of its factories and 14% of jobs. Also: a skyscraper boom at the same time. Downtown was developed while parts failed. Late Daley had an even closer connection to business, which was needed as federal funds waned. Then came Harold Washington and the book's great "what if?" moment. He seemed genuinely interested in improving the neighborhoods. But he had Council Wars and then he died.
The 1995 heat wave showed where the city's priorities were. Hundreds die of a "natural disaster" that local policies made worse. The elderly and poor were ignored. This was after decades of Loop-fixation by City Hall. By 2000, the city's aggregate numbers were going up and it kept its middle class, but a "second Chicago" was emerging. White households had a median income of $49K, but it was just $37K for Latinos and $29K for blacks. Gangs had crack wars instead. Gang membership skyrocketed from 70K in 2000 to 125K in 2006. Lack of opportunity. Education reform created a multi-tiered school system. Talk of charter schools often went along with less local input into the decision-making process. Daley still won half of minority votes, though. The book really likes Bobby Rush's 1999 "2 Chicagos" campaign, but he lost badly, even with blacks. Daley gave HUGE subsidies to Boeing and United and focused on touristy parts of the city (sports stadiums, Navy Pier). Meanwhile, 137 were tortured into confessions at South Side Area 2 police station and the hired truck scandal occurred. 100,000 manufacturing jobs were lost from 1986-2000 but constrution jobs let him keep support in minority efforts. Entertainment helped there, too, as kids focused on Michael Jordan instead of social justice. Budget problems worsened after 2008. A backlash against Daley began in 2006. Unions took him on in 2007 city elections. Still, class and ethnoracial problems often butted into each other, making broad-based support harder to get. Gentrification occurred, where mostly whites dipsplaced mostly poor minorities. Some minorities also gentrify, though. (Note: Asians? Does this book ever get into them at all? Not nearly as much as it should in the latter part). Ethnic solidarity was a way to rally support against gentrification. Middle-income places went up, but in reality the property owners (white gentrified) were the ones who had all the power in the areas, leaving the poorer people there powerless in their communities. The better off also opposed efforts at integration. Mexicans, Indians, and Poles made up a lot of immigrants.
Rahm Emmanuel campaign as a voice for change, but it's largely the same old Daley playbook. Cuts in mental health facilities were harder on minority areas. Ditto CTA cutbacks. TIF funds keep going to Loop projects, even though they were meant more for working/poor neighborhoods. In 2014, 47% of the blacks aged 20-24 were neither in school nor employed. (Compare: it's "only" 31% for blacks in LA and NYC). So that's why the murder rate skyrocketed. But the city didn't do anything about that. Instead, it spent $155 million for a DePaul sports arena. The aldermen were compliant so whatever anger was out there wasn't expressed at the polls. There was more anger at "Mayor 1%" as the teachers struck. Black protest was up after Ferguson and especially after Laquan McDonald. Not only do most whites not express support for BLM, but neither do Hispanics. In fact, only 33% of Hispanics express any support for it, compared to 40% for whites. There is black versus Hispanic problems. Chicago is still ethnoracially balkanized.
The back half of the book is great, but the front half feels like a prologue that goes on for far too long.