It is difficult to critique such a sweeping account of a villainous historical figure. Fest evidently benefited from a wealth of source material and first-hand knowledge of twentieth-century Germany. It would take a scholar of much more learning than me to question any of the assertions, opinions and interpretations proffered in this biography. That being the case, I instead have compiled the most interesting and revealing snippets of information encountered, to shed light on the lesser-considered aspects of the dark, sanguinary period of history which circumscribed Hitler's life.
One misconception which pervades the mindset of many is that Germany was unique in its distaste for the Jewish people. This is often coupled with the assumption that Hitler somehow injected this prejudice into the vulnerable minds of prewar Germans. In fact, from the turn of the century, magazines such as Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels's 'Ostara' were espousing hate-filled ideas of eugenics and dreams of an Aryan master race, even using the Swastika as a symbol of racial purity, decades before Hitler had even considered a turn toward politics. The young Austrian lapped up such rhetoric, describing the Jewry as "unequivocally a [alien] race and not a religious community". This, along with the trials and tribulations of the First World War, led Hitler to develop his philosophy of a 'granite foundation', characterised by all of the trappings which one would associate with a fascist state: struggle, national pride, absolutism and a willingness to take extreme, violent political action. Whilst anti-semitism undergirded a large part of his political philosophy, Fest draws the reader's attention to the fact that Hitler did harbour a perverted reverence for the racial purity of the Jewish people, with his ideal of the Nietzschean Superman combining "Spartan hardness and simplicity, Roman ethos, British gentlemanly ways, and the racial morality of Jewry."
Before taking power on 30th January 1933, the N.S.D.A.P. was by no means stable, and even following Hitler's rise to the very peak of the hierarchy, tensions threatened to tear the party apart. The S.A., led by Kreibel and Röhm, was becoming too militaristic, with the recruits forgetting the ideological purpose of the party and instead resembling a mere reserve soldiery. This prompted Hitler to create the infamous Shock Troop (S.S.) over which he could have full control. As well as structural issues, the ideology itself was ossifying. The original vivacity which inspired the formation and development of the party began to diminish and correspondingly the political aims became more diffuse. One circulating jibe referred to the Nazi party as the 'World as Will without Idea', a humorous allusion to Schopenhauer’s masterpiece which was still percolating through the public conscience. This lack of a rallying motive was very apparent to Hitler, as is evidenced when we read of his insistence that anti-semitism was fundamental to winning the hearts and minds of the populous: "If the Jew did not exist, we would have to invent him. A visible enemy, not just an invisible one is what is needed." Many who voted for the Nazis (and who would later be vilified along with all other Nazi supporters) were simple rural farmers and blue-collar labourers. They had no notions of racial prejudice or communist sympathies- they were swept along with the wave of populism, living through a global economic crash, stripped to the bones by the Treaty of Versailles, and had known little other than suffering and hardship for many years. In much the same way that the Europe of today is splintering into nationalistic, far-right factions, the Germany of the early 30s found good honest people giving their support to whomever presented them with even a semblance of hope for economic and political change. The National Socialists filled that void. It is worth remembering that the Nazi party never attained a majority before taking power (the 1933 election saw them receive 43.9% of the vote share) which demonstrates the level of electioneering and manipulation exerted by the higher Nazi officials following Hitler's appointment as Chancellor by the ageing Hindenburg. He would later admit to having given the impression of a peaceable, pacifistic leader when he most needed the backing of the moderate voters. Hitler's route can be viewed as a cascade of fortuitous circumstances, culminating in the seizure of power. As the author notes, all that stood between the republic and Hitler were Hindenburg, Schleicher and von Papen. Europe never stood a chance. Hitler himself, almost embarrassed by the capitulation of the left and centre of German politics, commented: "One would never have thought so miserable a collapse possible." By 1938, the Nazis received 99% of the vote.
Alongside that fateful day in January 1933, we can point to another key event which shaped the very same party that would subsequently initiate the Second World War, the greatest humanitarian crisis in modern history. This event was the 'night of the long knives', in which Hitler destroyed all intraparty opposition to his rule in one fell, merciless swoop. On 30th June 1934, several leading Nazi officials were executed on largely fabricated charges of treachery and dissent. Amongst those whom Hitler eliminated was the emblematic but volatile Ernst Röhm. This decision weighed heavily on the Fuhrur's mind, as he had always held Röhm in high regard, being as he was a great advocate for Nazism and its fascistic ideals. It was a significant point in his career, making clear to any remaining doubters that he would stand for no obstruction in realising his goals.
The author divides the Fuhrur's political career into three main stages; (1) ten years of preparation, demagoguery and 'tactical experimentation', (2) ten following years of global recognition, nationwide adulation and blind sycophancy, and then, of course, (3) his final six years of "grotesque errors, mistake piled upon mistake, crimes, convulsions, destructive mania and death." Reading about the pre and early-war period cannot help but induce feelings of anguish, anger and regret. For instance, when commenting upon the invasion of the Rhineland, Hitler remarked: "If the French had marched into the Rhineland we would have had to withdraw with our tails between our legs for the military resources at our disposal would have been wholly inadequate for even a moderate resistance." Additionally, the various plots and assassination attempts which fell at the last hurdle make for yet another series of spectacular strokes of good luck for the Austrian. Hacha's essentially forced, last-minute surrender of Czechoslovakia was said to induce Hitler to exclaim "This is the greatest day of my life. I shall be known as the greatest German in history." Such jubilation was no doubt short-lived, as he clearly had no intention, at that stage, of waging a six-year-long war with Britain. In July 1939, just before the war started, he told Admiral Dönitz that a war with England would result in 'finis Germaniae'. This was a rare moment of ironic prescience on his part.
The war started auspiciously for Germany, with the early Western offensive seeing the capture of Poland, France and much of northern Europe; all whilst losing only a fifth of the troops killed on the side of the Allies. However, following the disastrous Russian offensive and the involvement of the United States, the tides quickly turned. Fest cites this as a key reason for the eventual collapse of the Axis powers; the Allies were divided by social and political values (no starker contrast exists than that between Soviet-style communism and democratic American capitalism) but united by a singular goal: victory over the enemy and the toppling of fascism. The Axis, conversely, may have been united by far-right nationalistic and imperialistic ideology, but their aims were too nebulous and their centres of power too dispersed. Mussolini knew before the conflict began that the Italian army was entirely unprepared for full-scale combat, and Japan was too hell-bent on expanding its empire into China and southward into the Philippines and Indonesia to offer Germany any real support. By the spring of 1945, the Russians were marching on Berlin. Upon learning that the Steiner attack never took place, Hitler lost what little psychological control that remained to him and treated his officers to the tirade of abuse so wonderfully portrayed in the film 'Downfall'. This was likely a final nail in the coffin for all those who heard the outburst. Everyone, it seemed, now knew that the war, along with the mental fortitude of the Fuhrur, was lost.
A question which splits opinion to this day is the degree to which Hitler can be considered atheistic. He certainly did not come across so in his early years as party leader, with Rudolf Hess saying in a letter to the head of state that Hitler was "...religious, a good Catholic". Indeed, Hitler's imprisonment in 1924 (the term of which was greatly reduced from five years to nine months) had a profound effect on his psychology, theology and even physiognomy ("...the strong bony structure from brow to chin emerged more distinctly, what formerly might have given the effect of sentimentality had yielded to an unmistakable note of hardness"). The language in ’Mein Kampf’, whilst not always explicitly religious, makes numerous references to the plight of Christ and employs quite biblical language in places. Whether this was genuine invocation of Christian doctrine or mere political posturing is hard to tell, though the manuscript was heavily edited by his PR team before publication. His speeches to the German people did not shy away from religious imagery either:
"...Lord, You see, we have changed; the German nation is no longer the nation of dishonour, of shame, of self-laceration, of timidity and little faith; no, Lord, the German nation has once more grown strong in spirit, strong in will, strong in persistence, strong in enduring all sacrifices. Lord, we will not swerve from You; now bless our struggle".
Goebbels also sent a letter to the imprisoned Hitler, quoting Goethe; "to you, a god has given the tongue with which to express our sufferings." We will never truly know Hitler's actual religious convictions or lack thereof- but one can point to the Christian setting within which his party flourished, the endorsement by the Roman Catholic Church, and several other damning indictments which punch holes in the claim that Nazism was a distinctly atheistic phenomenon. Like most political movements, there were probably both believing and non-believing subscribers who justified their support from different religious positions.
The author's closing reflections also raise some interesting points with regard to how Hitler may have evaluated his career. The decrepit, emaciated, shell of a man who gorged on cake and survived on a cornucopia of drugs must have realised the hopelessness and absurdity of his individual condition, to say nothing of the world burning above his Berlin bunker- the flames of which were ignited by his own words and actions. Nazism emerged from the left. As the name suggests, national socialism is a political ideology which affords precedence to the common man. It seeks to wrest power from the hands of the bourgeoisie and place it firmly into those of the working class, provided the members of the said class are of pure ethnic stock. This xenophobic tendency is the main reason for Fascism's contemporary association with the far right. Given that Hitler was also implacably opposed to anything resembling Bolshevism, and his admiration of premodern art, history and architecture, he has rightly come to be identified as a conservative figure. However, in the manner in which he assumed control of the state, overturned its political apparatus and fundamentally altered the public Zeitgeist, he quite inadvertently became the most radical leader the German-speaking world has ever seen. As Fest puts it: "Abhorring revolution, he became in reality the German form of revolution." Not only did he fail in his war aims, cause the deaths of untold millions, oversee the most horrific genocide in known history and cripple many European economies for years to come, his efforts also culminated in the galvanising and flourishing of the communist Soviet Union. His great desire to rid the world of Bolshevism had catastrophically backfired. One can only imagine the thoughts going through the head of this enigmatic brute in the moments leading up to his suicide. I hope he at least felt an inkling of shame, remorse, and perhaps even guilt.
This biography is recommended to anyone who not only wishes to learn about the life of this infamous monster but also to try and understand how such monsters are made. If that was the author's intention, he succeeded with flying colours. Five stars.