Douglass Cecil North (November 5, 1920 – November 23, 2015) was an American economist known for his work in economic history. He was the co-recipient (with Robert William Fogel) of the 1993 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences. In the words of the Nobel Committee, North and Fogel "renewed research in economic history by applying economic theory and quantitative methods in order to explain economic and institutional change."
Interesting historical presentation, fettered in its analysis by a frustratingly doctrinaire neoclassical framework.
North and Thomas undertake to explain the emergence of an efficiently organized “market economy” which is the condition of possibility for what they call “sustained growth” in Western Europe. The emergence of “the market” is here presented as a more or less linear progression, at times fettered by the meddling of otherwise exogenous political actors. But this kind of analysis misses the centrality of the “anti-markets” of political and capitalist power to the historical emergence and expansion of capitalism (note: they only use the word "capitalist" in their dismissal of a Marxian theories of economic development). An analysis which takes “the efficient market” as its basic unit will identify the “inefficiencies” of monopoly as a form of economic organization and of force as a means to the consolidation of state power as obstacles to, rather than essential for, the development of capitalism as a world-system.
North and Thomas' argue that changes in economic conditions, beginning in the 16th century, allowed Britain and Netherlands to break free of the Malthusian cycle. It was economics that changed ideas and institutions, not the other way around.
This is a classic work in IPE. It is an economic perspective on the rise of Western Civilization, as opposed to a history of ideas, which is usually where theories of Western Civilization start. North and Thomas' basic contention is that changes in economic conditions, beginning in the 16th century allowed Britain and Netherlands to break free of the Malthusian cycle. It was economics that changed ideas and institutions, not the other way around. The real answer is that they co-evolved. By hey, this is an economic perspective and therefore biased towards materialist explanations.
Pending: - Revisit pp 80-86 for why “the process of government consolidation in each area was influenced by local conditions and subsequently varied” - this is absolutely crucial, and lays the foundations for the divergent fates of the states after 1500.
Netherlands and England both derived most of their revenue from strong export trades, which enabled the creation of representative institutions and limited absolutism (among other factors). There was less need for internal meddling by the monarch to secure revenue with an external trade that was easily taxed. Meanwhile, Spain and France relied, respectively, on the mestas (woolen industry, which required crown oversight) and the taille, which was collected by crown bureaucrats without the estates general.
Factor endowments dictated the nature of taxation. England and the Netherlands entered the early modern period with more easily taxable commerce and strong representative institutions that created respect for private property and institutions to promote commerce (banks, corporations).
In any event, the basic (medieval) story doesn’t seem like it would be unique - why wouldn’t diminishing returns be followed by expansion in other areas practicing sedentary agriculture around the globe?
The early modern story appears to be the real key, wherein institutions and protections for private property emerge in a significant way in the Netherlands and England (because of the emergence of representative institutions in the late medieval period).
Mr. North takes a birds eye view of Western European history and shoehorns the very broad outline into an economic analysis. He does not develop the analysis, rather he picks and choses facts over a thousand years and over an entire continent that support a pre-existing thesis. Fernand Braudel took a much more nuanced view that started with geography and built up from there in his three volume Civilization and Capitalism. Going the Distance by Ron Harris asked why England and Netherlands and not India or Arabia when England and Netherlands started way behind everyone else. I am not sure how I found this book or why I was excited to read it. I do not recommend it.
Why I read it: I'm interested in economic developments & demography as historical forces, and I see Douglass North cited/referenced warmly.
Reaction: Really interesting. Some surprises for me, including contrasts I had not been aware of between France/Spain and England/Low Countries. Gave me a better appreciation for guilds and other regulatory obstacles to trade, entrepreneurship, etc. including the absurd Spanish Mesta. Almost deducted a star for the dessicated prose style, but it is clear and concise, so fine.
In short, incentives cause men to behave and organize in certain ways, and these incentives are made by institutions. I think of Francesco Boldizzoni's Poverty of Clio here: by neglecting factors of ethnic, social, and ideological factors in political economy, it creates a trans-universal theory of historical development based on institutional economic theory. But there is that missing, the hidden and unsaid parts chalked up to "psychology" or "sociology" as to why events like the spread of agriculture or the fiscal policies of governments were pursued that make it feel rather incomplete.
Nice & nerdy about Western Europe, but there are a lot of gaps & we'd expect a lot more from a book these days. It nicely summarizes the economic history of W. Europe, but it rarely contextualizes when these nations were playing catchup and when they were advancing the technological frontier. A lot of stuff is also unjustified -- causes for macro events are just stated (e.g. population increase helped markets which lowered trade frictions which was great), not demonstrated.
Methodology of the new institutional historiography. Some reservations about inferability under inductive logic. The strain of long-standing data and historical sources cannot be avoided, but the ideas discussed, the 'analysis' itself and the perspective can be drawn on. Written on the basis of Cambridge history.
A dense synthesis of 800 years of economic development in Europe, kickstarting the Age of Enlightenment. Full of information, one may decry the shortness of the book and wished a few chapters were expanded, those of England and The Netherlands, as examples of content that could have been expanded upon. A great read nonetheless, with sound economics underlying the text.
I read this for "work" (economics graduate student reading group) and I enjoyed it. I think North and Thomas do a good job of setting forth a framework for thinking about economic growth. I wanted more details about the specific differences in the economies and why they were different. In particular, I'm still not clear on why the Netherlands didn't maintain monopoly and guild protections, but Spain and France did. I appreciated that this book was concise but I guess I actually wanted it to be longer!
"The affluence of Western man is a new and unique phenomenon." (1)
"Efficient economic organization is the key to growth; the development of an efficient economic organization in Western Europe accounts for the rise of the West. Efficient organization entails the establishment of institutional arrangements and property rights that create an incentive to channel individual economic effort into economic activities that bring the private rate of return close to the social rate of return." (1)
Wow, no wonder he got the nobel prize. I can't believe some of the stuff people study! This is an economics classic. For good reason, too. North shows through the history of Western Europe how institutions and property rights, as well as the adoptive nature of England, led to the growth of the West from 1000 AD on up to 1800s. It is a thick book and takes a bit of reading, but has some wonderful economic insights as we look to expand the macroeconomics theory into helping other countries grow.
It takes quite an effort to process all the ideas in this book. The first several chapters and the later section(the comparison between Netherlands, England, Spain and France) are relatively easy to follow through, yet the middle section is quite messy. An original, and important book for anyone interested in the new institutional economy. But I would not commend it to any beginner in Economics.
North argues that the sudden rise of affluence of western man resulted from efficient organization of western European institutions (which McCloskey strenuously disagrees with). Along the way, he provides a very good explanation of the emergence of property rights and the changes in economic conditions from 900 to 1500.
The establishment of demesne property right is the root cause of the rise of the western world, and it also can be regarded as an answer to the Needham Puzzle.