Probably best you make yourself comfortable – as this is going to take some time. A friend of Nell’s recommended this book when she shared my review of The Age of Surveillance Capitalism, ironically enough, on Facebook. I’d never heard of Ellul before – at least, I don’t think I had. He is a French Christian sociologist, but his ideas are much more interesting than those three adjectives might imply.
We tend to think of propaganda in much the same way that we think of advertising. We know it works on some people (and perhaps even worry that it might be terribly impolite to call those people dumb) but we, ourselves, would never fall for that rubbish. So, while we quite understand that really, really bad things come from propaganda, that is mostly because is overflowing with dumb people. Propaganda is believed to be about telling lies to gullible people, and doing so with lots of conviction, generally also by appealing to their prejudices, so as to bring about some change in their beliefs. In large part this book is seeking to help us see that propaganda doesn’t work like this at all (or advertising for that matter).
Propaganda is much more insidious than that. And this is where I’m going to have to highlight something that I had to disagree with the author about. He says a couple of times that democracies engage in propaganda in reaction to totalitarian propaganda. The line being that ‘if they are doing it, we need to do it too, however reluctantly’. That this is not the case ought to be clear to a contemporary reader of this book. Really, Soviet and Nazi propaganda are of little more than historical interest today – but to think that the end of these totalitarian societies has brought about the end of propaganda would be a very bold belief indeed. I think his central thesis in this book really goes a long way to undermine the view that ‘democracies’ are fundamentally repulsed by propaganda and that they only do it because they are made to by otherwise anti-democratic forces.
In fact, the rest of his argument makes it clear that propaganda is a necessary condition of modern society, rather than an added extra forced upon the good guys by the bad guys.
Propaganda is a problem for the modern world created by it being a modern world. It requires a certain level of the development of ‘civilisation’ to even be possible, and once it is possible, it basically becomes inevitable. For propaganda to become part of our world people need to live in large societies, probably even nation states composed of multiple cities, they need to be literate (most of the modes of distributing propaganda are only available if people can read) and they need to live in a mass society that is also confronted by other mass societies – even if mass propaganda tends to talk to individuals as individuals, if, individuals as representatives of groups. I want to go through these ideas in turn.
So, why do they need to be in a large, mass society for propaganda to work? Well, if you are in a tribal society you have virtually direct access to all of the news that your tribe generates, and community input into the decisions and more or less direct contact with the leaders of your community. That pecking order doesn’t necessarily require a complicated system of voting – rather, authority and leadership develop through interactions within the tribe itself – they are lived, rather than needing to be indoctrinated via texts. This intimacy of interaction is denied to those living in a mass society. I kept thinking of that line, probably apocryphal, that someone was supposed to have said when the first telegram cable was laid between Europe and America: Oh, fabulous, now we won’t have to wait to learn how Princess Alexandra’s whooping cough is coming along. The point being that most ‘news’ today is about matters that really don’t matter to us. I’ve even started telling people that I’ve stopped believing that US actually exists – that it is either a fiction devised as a warning to the rest of us of the dangers of Presidential forms of democracy, or it is, what I actually believe, a kind of sit-com that got totally out of hand once the writers started taking LSD.
It is truly remarkable how much attention we Australians pay to US and UK politics. And it isn’t at all clear to me why we might do that. As sad as it is that it seems impossible to change US gun laws, as long as US citizens are shooting their own kids, it isn’t clear why I should get so upset about it. Now, if I was in Iraq, or Iran, or Yemen, then clearly the US would seem much more real to me. But as it is, the US simulacrum is such that any time I spend thinking about Trump’s latest absurdity (has he gone back to having sex with Stormy Daniels yet? Have US Evangelicals started grabbing women by the genitals as a form of metaphorical support for their Commander in Chief?) is basically time wasted. But it is almost impossible to really think like that. We need to believe that this is all real and all consequential to our lives and that by following the latest twists and turns somehow makes us ‘informed’. All the same, many people I know have given up watching any news whatsoever. This is because it makes them feel completely helpless and therefore depressed and anxious. About that which you can do nothing, learning that fools and thieves are making matters worse is hardly the most direct pathway to mental health.
The point being that in a mass society people are, by necessity, removed from what they take to be the key decision-making centres – and, although these may well be ultimately consequential to their lives, mostly they can go to work, buy stuff at the supermarket, and watch television for months on end without ‘needing’ to pay any attention at all to the machinations for ‘higher politics’. Something which often upsets people like me when I mention something to people about the latest insanity (Scott Morrison denying his government used $250 Million in grants for sporting facilities in marginal to buy the last election for example) only to be met with glazed-over eyes or bewildered silence.
For this level of ignorance about what is going on to be the case a society must be large enough so that crowds are composed mostly of strangers. You can only really safely ignore the ramblings of the powerful when you feel yourself to be a safe-ish cog in an otherwise impersonal machine.
But such a society also requires modes of communication that allow all members of that society to be reached if they need to be. This obviously means newspapers in the first instance, but also radio, films, television, magazines – and clearly now social media also has an essential role in this ‘mass media’. For someone to be able to interact with any of these modes they need a certain level of cultural education – and so a school system that indoctrinates (yeah, I know, a harsh word – but clearly certain forms of indoctrination are essential to the educative process) children by giving them the cultural tools they will need to properly navigate the society they have been born into.
As he says at one point, for a society to become a mass society you need to be sure that the things that society mass-produces are going to be things that the masses are going to want to buy – here the distinctions between propaganda and advertising start to break down. And that is a large part of the point. Propaganda isn’t effective because it tells you a big lie often enough that you start believing it – it is effective when it makes a worldview seem pure common sense.
Mass societies often find themselves in competition with other mass societies. This was truer, I feel, when the author was writing than it is now. We live largely in a mono-pole world – books like Capitalist Realism make this all too clear. But the need for an enemy is interesting here, since an enemy is often the quickest and easiest way to unite people within a group. And because people tend to segment themselves according to their life experiences, including the forms of culture they expose themselves to, the newspapers they read, television channels they watch, the social media sites they visit. This means both that propaganda needs to be appropriate to each of these segments, but also that it can be significantly different depending on membership of those segments too.
Years ago I read a statistic I found utterly fascinating and then could never find it again. It was in some book I was reading about the mass media. It compared the growth of people employed as journalists with those employed as public relations professionals. The authors pointed out that both of these professions require very similar skills – in fact, since newspapers have stopped being able to afford to employ enough journalists to fill their newspapers, often copy is provided by public relations professionals. Those employed in public relations not only vastly outnumber those employed as journalists, but they are also much more highly paid. This tells us interesting things about our society in relation to propaganda – of all the things you can say about public relations professionals, and I’m certainly not saying that they are all evil, but what is clear is that they are not employed to ‘tell the truth’ but rather to ‘spin the truth’ so as to make their organisation look good. He says repeatedly throughout this that Soviet and Chinese propaganda, despite what we were generally told in the west, was mostly based on facts. The point being that facts themselves are meaningless outside of a context – and propaganda creates the context that gives meaning to the facts.
This is such an important point. You see, how we generally assess the effectiveness of propaganda often confirms our belief that propaganda is mostly ineffective. And this is much the same with how we think about advertising. We think that because millions of dollars are spent during an election campaign and the opinion polls hardly shift at all throughout that campaign then that must mean that the propaganda must have been ineffective. But propaganda rarely needs to work on such short time frames. Propaganda is sociological – that is, it creates a world view over years that is constantly reinforced by virtually all channels of the mass media in a society until it becomes the water we all swim in.
He mentions research that ‘proved’ how ineffective Nazi propaganda had been. They asked returning German soldiers questions on details on Nazi propaganda, and found many of them had no real idea what Nazi policies were on various topics. They also asked them what their opinions where on these topics, and often the returning soldiers held opinions that were virtually the opposite of the Nazi position. So far, so good. Clearly, decades of Nazi propaganda had been mostly ineffectual. Thank goodness for that, aye?
And this is one of his major points. Don’t tell me about public opinion – tell me what people do. Did the soldiers’ lack of understanding of the intricacies of Nazi policies stop them killing Gypsies? Did it encourage them to surrender to the advancing Allied forces? The fact is that the Germans fought twice as fiercely when all hope was lost. This seems a much more interesting proof of the effectiveness of Nazi propaganda than a soldier’s understanding of some obscure point of public policy. Or to quote Ellul himself:
“The most serious fault of all these investigations seems to be the following: they preserve the old notion that the effect of propaganda manifests itself in clear, conscious opinions and that the propagandee will respond in a specific way according to the propagandist’s slogans. But this is less and less true. One must understand that just as there is dissociation between private and public opinion, there is dissociation between opinion and action. Propaganda works in that direction. It is not because some individual holds clearly defined Nazi or Communist convictions that he will behave for the benefit of the Nazi or Communist regime. On the contrary. It is increasingly understood that those who have clear, conscious convictions are potential heretics who discuss action in the light of doctrine. Conversely, because a man cannot clearly express his war aims does not mean he will comport himself less well on the battlefield if he is properly indoctrinated with propaganda—or fail to exterminate Jews just because he is not an articulate racist, or fail to be a devoted militant because he cannot formulate the dogma of the class struggle. What matters to the propagandist is to have a good soldier…”
This book is showing its age – this is inevitable – but see past the examples and look for the deeper sociological questions investigated here, and it really does still have lots to offer.