As in his first book, The Ayatollah Begs to Differ, Hooman Majd's latest effort gives Westerners a valuable look into Iranian society and politics. The title, The Ayatollahs' Democracy, is an oxymoron that perfectly represents the many confounding Persian paradoxes that the book brings to light.
Hooman Majd was born in Tehran, the son of a high-ranking Iranian diplomat. He was educated in the West and has lived in America where, among other things, he was a music producer for Island Records. He knows Western culture and he knows Iran. He has friends and relatives in high places in the Islamic Republic which gives him a unique angle for viewing and writing about his homeland. An Iranian American, he is a secular Shia Muslim which probably makes him a walking oxymoron.
The book begins with a rapid, descriptive timeline of events around the disputed 2009 election that returned Ahmadenijad to power as Iran's President. The timeline suffers from a random chronology that had me flipping pages backward and forward. But the information is there for those who are patient. And the author's verdict is clear: the election was stolen. He clearly loves Iran and is defensive of the 1979 Islamic revolution. After all, it delivered Iran from the clutches of Great Britain and the U.S.A. Still, he does not shy away from descriptions of government violence that targeted and killed post-election protesters in '09.
Millions of Iranians took to the streets after the disputed '09 election and many lost their lives. Mr. Madj skewers Western media accounts of the protests for reporting that a potential revolution may have been in the works. This was merely wishful thinking in the West. Westerners do not understand the enigmatic Islamic Republic. So Mr. Madj has taken it upon himself to bridge this East/West chasm. The protesters considered themselves part of a Green movement, a Green wave. Green is the color of Islam and the masses in the streets made it clear that green was their color, Islam their faith. The Islamic Revolution of '79 brought independence. They want the Islamic Republic they now have, with fundamental improvements. They want their right to vote restored. They did not want regime-change. Many in the West do not understand this. Could Iranians want to keep the Ayatollahs' democracy? Yeah, it would seem so. This is a bitter pill for the West to swallow.
In The Ayatollahs' Democracy we learn of the many layers in Iranian government: The Supreme Leader, The Guardian Council, The Assembly of Experts, The Expediency Discernment Council, The Revolutionary Guards, The Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament). To the credit of the author I actually began to understand how it works near the end of the book, if only a little. Ultimate power resides in the hands of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei (but not exactly). President Ahmadenijad must bend to the will of the Supreme Leader (but defies him whenever he can get away with it.) There are influential Ayatollahs all over the place whose power and influence keep the Supreme Leader on his toes. There is a Parliament with freely elected members who criticize the President (but not the Supreme Leader) with impunity. The author, Hooman Majd, travels freely about the country, interviewing whomever he pleases (almost), yet is constantly looking over his shoulder for secret police. This is the "democracy."
So it's an honest book. In keeping with honesty, Majd gives us the straight dope about Western hypocrisy in Iranian foreign relations. What precisely did Iran do, for example, to become a candidate for George W. Bush's Axis of Evil? It funds Hezbollah and dislikes Israel. Is this evil? Not for most Iranians.
In the 1970's Majd was a college student in the U.S. As the son of an Iranian diplomat (who worked for the U.S backed monarchy-- the Shah) he knew that he was being shadowed by a SAVAK (secret police) agent on American soil. He knew enough to be careful of what he did and said in order to protect his family back home. After the '79 Islamic revolution Mr. Madj became a supporter of Sayed Khatami who was President of the republic from 1997 to 2005. Khatami and Madj are family, probably cousins but I don't know how close or distant. Suffice it to say that the author, an American, an Iranian, has been deeply immersed in Iran his entire life.
He teaches us about the Iranian concept of oghdeh, where people and society are expected to be complex, ambiguous and contradictory. Don't shake your head or roll your eyes over blatant conflicts. Things are never concrete. Oghdeh is part of the fabric of Iranian life. Things are never linear and simple. Life is a puzzle-- figure it out. Iranians often speak and write using the age-old, traditional device of ta'arouf. Employing ta'arouf one might disarm an adversary with excessive praise as a means of softening him up. It seems to be a kind of passive-aggressive sleight-of hand, a backdoor one-upsmanship, beating around the bush as a tactic. Don't we all do this? Probably. But Iran has had many more centuries of practice. While reading this book I got the impression that oghdeh and ta'arouf have become impediments to our understanding of the Persian psyche and of the nation itself.
I was disappointed that the author did not tackle the issue of nuclear power. I was looking forward to his views. It's clear that he disagrees with Western attitudes and economic sanctions. He doesn't see why the West should have nuclear power but not Iran. But he needs to address other issues such as Ahmadenijad's defiance of the United Nations and, well, the bomb! I'm hoping to see the discussion in his next book or in articles on his website.
Mr. Majd takes pains to delve into the Iranian Jewish community in order to question the existence of religious freedom in Iran. He interviews a former (Jewish) member of Parliament and a current (Jewish) MP. A talented writer, he presents the two politicians as distinct opposites. Yet they seem to speak with the same voice: We are Iranians first, Jews second. We don't care about Israel. Member of Parliament Moreh-Sedegh says, "The Jews of Iran are absolutely free. As long as they don't support Israel." When Mr. Majd visits the Tehran Jewish Committee, the largest such organization in Iran, he interviews two influential leaders who speak with similar voices-- they sound almost identical to the current and former MP's. The Tehran Jewish Committee is financially dependent upon the Islamic Republic for it's survival. All of these influential Jewish citizens of Iran are incredibly careful with their words, especially when responding to the author's queries about Israel.
Mr. Madj tells us that there are 25,000 Jews in Iran. The republic is disdainful of Jews who emigrate, especially when they choose Israel. Many of them are encouraged by outside Jewish groups who offer the equivalent of $10,000 to potential emigres. The position of the Iranian government is that this constitutes a pay-off, a buy-out. Would you desert the land of your birth for $10,000? I suspect the money is what it takes to cover expenses incurred in resettling. Wikipedia tells me that a 2012 Iranian census has roughly 9,000 Jews left in Iran (we know that Wiki can be unreliable). This book was published in 2010. Whether it's 9,000 or 25,000, a lot of Jews have left Iran since the '79 revolution when the Jewish population was 80,000. Tens of thousands have gone to Israel, Europe, Canada, America and elsewhere. They did not leave because they were so happy and free in the Islamic Republic. And they did not leave because they were bought off for a crummy ten grand apiece.
Having interviewed influential Iranian Jews, the author attempted to visit a "couple of working class Jewish families in their homes..." It never happened. Madj's friend who set up the interviews said, "they're a little afraid...... they're not looking for trouble."
Here, near the end of the book, the author expresses his frustration. "My experiences with the Jewish community in Iran were no different from other experiences: the paradoxical nature of the government, the people, the culture, and the society at large is as confusing as ever, and peculiarly Persian in character."
In other words, oghdeh!
Hooman Madj: Jews are completely free, but not free to support Israel. Jews are equal citizens, except when they're not. Iranian Jews must not travel to Israel, except when they do. Iranian-Israelis are not welcome back in Iran, except when they are. Iranian government censors block the New York Post on the internet but not the Jerusalem Post.
That's Iran. And it's big time oghdeh!
Hooman Madj-- keep the books coming!