Jonathan Edwards is generally considered America’s greatest theologian. Although he is often considered a great philosopher, to truly understand his life you have to examine him as a theologian, who only occasionally had peripheral excursions into philosophy. Given his natural talent, he might have been a great naturalist or literary figure, but he chose theology because he believed that an exploration of the relations between man and God was infinitely more important.
Writing a review of this book is a bit challenging for me. As a man of letters, living in Puritan New England, his life lacks the flare or action that traditionally accompanies the best biographies. So for the general reader, this book would most likely be insanely boring. His greatest controversies revolved around theological debates (with other ministers or within his own congregation) that are hardly the stuff of great page turning biographies.
However, as a man who lived through the Great Awakening and who seriously pondered its effects and implications, for the Christian, his life offers plenty of food for thought. As Edwards was a staunch Calvinist, this book will certainly appeal to anyone with a similar theological bent. For everyone else, it will almost certainly be less appealing. Overall, I learned quite a bit about the man and his theology. But in general this one was a little harder to get through than normal. 3 stars.
What follows are my notes on the book:
His family emigrated from England in the mid-1600s with the Puritans. His father Timothy attended Harvard but was of low pedigree. His mother Esther on the other hand was from among the best and most prestigious families of New England. Timothy was called to pastor a parish in East Windsor in 1694. Jonathan was born in 1703, preceded by 4 sisters, and followed by 6 more. He was the only son. The Edwards found it difficult to provide for their large family on a comparatively slender income. His father tutored many local boys. He likewise instructed his son with the regimented approach of that era (memorizing Latin by age 7, etc). Yet he also encouraged initiative in his son.
Original New England settlements were Congregational, tight knit, and independent. By the end of the century, Connecticut’s population growth was extraordinarily rapid, leading to a rise in “unspiritual” church members and growing doubts in the competency of local congregations to govern their own affairs. As early as 1700, Edwards’ grandfather Solomon Stoddard believed ministerial oversight (more in line with Presbyterianism than Congregationalism) was necessary to maintain the unity of the church. During his you, Jonathan saw two distinct periods of revival. In 1716, 13 year old Jonathan was preparing to leave home for college.
He joined the Collegiate School of Connecticut (Yale) in 1716. Growing fears of secularization at Harvard, led Edwards to the new college with its commitment to Puritan orthodoxy. His father, A Harvard alum supported this change of allegiance without reservation. It is difficult to grasp the depth of his spiritual conviction at this age. He was clearly exposed to much teaching and many views from the visitors who frequented the parsonage where he grew up, but it is clear he lacked any inner conversion akin to his grandfather’s. He was an able student and desirous of recognition of his abilities…he graduated first in his class and delivered the farewell oration at commencement.
He clearly sensed the need for an inward change. His letters enable us to date his conversion to mid-1721, following his graduation. He was licensed to work in ministry in 1722 (age 19) and began regular preaching in New York in August. The change in emphasis was evident. His early writings focused on “natural philosophy” (basic sciences), but in the first 12 months of his Christian life his writings clearly shift to spiritual and biblical topics. These same convictions appear in his diary, beginning abruptly in Dec 1722. In April 1723, he received numerous offers for a full time pastoral position and he left New York. He turned these down and instead entered another period of deep study in New Haven, finishing his M.A. in Sept 1723. He continued to tutor and teach at Yale rather than accept another call to ministry at the time.
The English return to Anglicanism took decades to reverberate across the Atlantic. By the early 1720s, Yale rector and several faculty traveled to England for a “proper” ordination. This led to a dismissal of all but one tutor by 1722. Between 1722-1726, the college was virtually without a head. It was int his context that Edwards returned to tutor. During this period, he was inspired by Isaac Newton and William Whiston and began to take a greater interest in natural sciences, leaning heavily to the modern (as opposed to medieval) view of scientific developments. He was no mere follower of traditional opinions and was not afraid of new authors or perspectives on scientific, philosophical, or theological topics. So given this openness, the question is why he took a traditional, Calvinist, Puritan tack in theology? Across the UK and New England, puritan thinking was being disparaged as worn out and not with the liberal spirit of the time. The answer is that he recognized that beliefs had to be judged by scripture and not popular opinion. On matters of theology, he valued the Puritans and their writings as biblical, on matters of science and philosophy not authoritatively settled by the Bible, he kept an open mind.
In 1726, his Grandfather’s church in Northampton invited him to come in view of an appointment as minister. At the age of 83, Solomon Stoddard had served his parish for more than half a century. At such an advanced age, church leaders saw the need for an assistant. His succession of his grandfather was a momentous event in a town that had not changed much in 57 years. Communal life in this farming town revolved around the church and the lectures delivered there. He married Sarah Pierrepont that same year in 1727. He was allotted a salary of 100 pounds a year in addition to money for a 10 acre farmstead. A daughter, also named Sarah, was born in 1728. A second daughter, Jerusha, was born the following year. His sincere efforts to strive after holiness provoked a conviction of sin, unworthiness, and impotence. This in turn revealed the benefit, neigh necessity, of divine grace and mercy at the pleasure of a divine sovereign. The papist, who only partially ascribed salvation to God’s grace, clearly did not have the same conviction of man’s sinfulness. This Calvinist bent would have great ramifications for his ministry and legacy.
Calvinism was becoming less prominent and Arminianism, which Edwards believed was not simply wrong in particulars but in its whole tendency, was gaining in popularity. So much so that by 1734, Edwards began to preach directly on doctrines involved with Arminianism. A local revival broke out, reaching its height in April 1935. Edwards wrote a book on the local revival titled Faithful Narrative that was influential and went through 20 printings prior to the Great Awakening. Revivals prior to the 1730s assumed that men were generally pious and merely needed instruction. Now, preachers emphasized the importance of a full understanding of human sinfulness and inner conviction and humiliation before God. Edwards, and other Calvinist pastors the need of the age as conviction of sin such that their conscience convicts them of their need for a savior.
Edwards routinely spent 13 hours daily in deep study. While much of this had to do with sermon preparation, he also prepared a large number of manuscripts unrelated to his preaching. Additionally, Edwards was convicted that he should have persona; and first-hand knowledge of God if he were to effectively preach. Thus his long hours of study were occupied with more than study, but in search of closer fellowship with God. In 1737, the Church collapsed. Miraculously, there were no fatalities. Fortunately, a new church was already under construction and would be ready later that year.
The Great Awakening struck like a thunderbolt in 1739. British preacher George Whitefield developed a close friendship with Edwards during this period. It is said that Edwards had put a match to the fuse, but Whitefield blew it into flame. The revival would continue through 1741. The revival was more widespread than any previously known. Edwards was repeatedly shocked by the number of sleepy towns transformed. Edwards’ journals repeatedly mention his exhaustion during this period. Edwards notes that the revival began to subside by summer of 1742.
A student who stayed with Edwards revealed much of his personal life. Sarah was 30, Jonathan 38, and their children Sarah (13), Jerusha (11), Esther (9), Mary (7), and Timothy (3), and Susannah (18 months). He notes a deep harmony and mutual love amongst the family. They were disciplines but calm parents who corrected with cheerfulness rather than harsher methods. He recounts that his parsonage study (where he famously spent 13 hours a day) was always thronged with family members or parishioners in need of counsel. He was no absent minded academic. He was never as animated or charismatic as Whitefield, but his visitor notes that the gravity and solemnity of his preaching carried much force with his listeners.
Edwards gave great thought to the Awakening and the kind of Christian experience it had revived; he also considered the more critical voices. By 1743, clergy were largely divided over the subject culminating in a flurry of pro and anti-revival publications. Edwards himself wrote a 328 page book on the subject. Many critical voices objected to new styles of preaching, others believed the conversions were shallow and done out of mere popular enthusiasm, others objected to the new prominence of either Calvinist or Arminian preachers. Plus, if the revival was an act of God independent of men, then why had it waned or become of mixed character? Edwards recognized that imprudences, irregularities, and delusion were observable amidst the revival (physical swooning and collapse for example). He came to believe the principal reason was the unwatchfulness of friends of the Awakening who allowed pure religion to become mixed with carnal enthusiasm which Satan could then exploit. Many churches saw separatist movements and broke away to form new bodies almost wholly founded on “unruly emotionalism” rather than sound doctrine; often these were pastored by self-appointed lay-preachers.
Many questioned whether the whole affair was simply mass hysteria that pop up from time to time in other areas of human activity. This in turn opened the door to question the faith or the Holy Spirit, not simply to question the excesses they had witnessed. This to Edwards was the most serious challenge of the 1740s. The aftermath of the Great Awakening gave rise to the most important of Edwards’ writings. Edwards’ writings argue that the Spirit’s work can be distinguished by 1) greater esteem for Christ, 2) operations against sin and Satan’s lies, 3) promotes greater regard for the scriptures, 4) brings men to truth, and 5) excites love of God and fellow man. Edwards believed there were two extremes, and in his writing he risked alienating both sides: those decidedly against the great revival and those who saw no danger in the growing spiritual zeal. He recognized that many men had acted on subjective impulses or “messages from God” that were unsupported by scripture. Others had clearly been convicted by the Spirit and experienced true conversion. Religion cannot be boiled down to understanding alone as scripture clearly shows it involves the affections. In standing between these two extremes, he believed both sides were making the same mistake, namely the inability to differentiate parts from the whole. Excess by some did not invalidate the entire movement, just as true conversions did not validate the excesses of the movement.
By 1746, it was clear that many “converts” had no born permanent fruit. Edwards wrote extensively of such counterfeit religion which made much of “experience” or indwelling of the Holy Spirit but was unbacked by the clear teaching of the Bible. Throughout his writings, he hammers home that holiness is necessarily involved for true Christian experience. Holiness in the Christian experience always produces an abiding change of nature in a true convert. For Edwards (a Calvinist) this is a key point as conversion is always permanent, the only alternative being a holiness or salvation that can be alternatively won or lost. Wesley thought like this, but to Edwards, it was axiomatic that there were simply apparent conversions that were the result of influences rather than the Holy Spirit.
As Edwards was publicly engaging in the controversy between rationalism and ‘enthusiasm,’ he was facing a local crisis. In his church, an individual was required to make a profession of faith rather than give any testimony of their own personal faith in Christ. His grandfather had set the precedent of accommodating weak Christians (or even those who were unregenerate) and allowing them to participate in the sacrament of communion. In effect, this opened up the Lord’s Table to a much larger group with no clear profession of godliness. Over time, Edwards reached a point of personal conviction that he could no longer tolerate this acceptance of members without personal profession and appearance of faith. This, coupled with Edwards administration of church discipline (over a book on midwifery) led to a great loss of support, especially among the younger congregants.
As the county grew more prosperous, debates ensued on Edwards’ salary. He also confronted a growing demand for and shift to Arminian theology accelerated by the Great Awakening. Edwards believed this change represented a low view of God and a high view of human abilities that needed to be confronted. He kept close contact with Aaron Burr Sr. (who married his daughter Esther) and whose son Aaron Burr Jr. would go on to be Vice President. Aaron Burr Sr. was president of the College of New Jersey (Princeton) and working diligently to raise up new Presbyterian ministers. War with France raised the possibility of Indian attacks on frontier settlements in NY.
In the late 1840s, Edwards gained a great reputation as a theologian in Scotland. In May 1747, David Brainerd (missionary to the American Indians, and dying of tuberculosis) rode into town and proved a great encouragement to Edwards. He wrote a biography of Brainerd that gained international recognition.
Edwards decision on the communion issue (that a communicant have visible evidence of godliness), in opposition to tradition and the precedent set by his esteemed grandfather, caused great uneasiness in the town and set in motion a chain of action that led to his dismissal from his congregation in 1750. Edwards accepted his fate without bitterness (though he was concerned how he would provide for his family). He never questioned his decision as he viewed it as critical to the integrity of the Christian Church and who was admitted to the body. There is some evidence that the congregation later came to regret their pride and dismissal of Edwards after his 23 years of service. He accepted a call to serve in Stockbridge, an Indian town 160 miles outside Boston (despite the threat of Indian attacks and lack of salary or parsonage). Edwards had prayed fervently for the Indians and now there was a great hope of America’s preeminent theologian serving among them in 1754.
Divisions between the white inhabitants and the Indians would sabotage any evangelical efforts by Edwards. A handful of white residents conspired to have Edwards removed. The outbreak of the French and Indian War in 1756 further complicated his missionary efforts as British troops built a fort around the town to keep the hostile Indians out. Edwards forever lamented the roadblocks thrown up against his missionary efforts to the Mohawks. Even in the midst of war, he personally arranged for some Mohawk children to receive an education. S a result, Edwards retained the reverence of the Mohawks.
Edwards maintained a close relationship with his daughter Esther, now married to Burr Sr. in Princeton NJ. Burr and Whitefield’s visit to Edwards and their sociable interaction stands in contrast to the popular depiction of Edwards as an unsocial scholar. In 1755 he was invited to give the commencement lecture in NJ. As Burr became full time presidency of the college, rumors swirled that Edwards would take over his parish in Princeton. Many viewed his removal from Northhampton as providence, allowing the greatest American theologian additional time to devote to his writing. In 1757 they received the shocking news that Burr Sr. died at age 41, leaving his daughter Esther a widow. 17/20 trustees voted for Edwards to be the new college president. He accepted after multiple requests. Unfortunately, he would die at age 54 from complications from a smallpox inoculation in 1758. Daughter Esther would die 16 days later, leaving behind two orphans Sally and Aaron Burr Jr.
He would go on to great fame in Scotland, far greater than in his own time in his own country. The rise of Arminian preachers (i.e. Charles Finney) would lead to a decline in the esteem of Edwards in America. Re-printings of his works exploded in popularity in Britain in the 1820s and 30s. Many argue his enduring popularity stems from the fact that he was not original but staunch defender of traditional, foundational teachings. To understand Edwards, you must know he put faithfulness to the word of God before every other consideration.