Luke Harding's The Snowden Files is a well-constructed overview of the biggest intelligence leak in history - but it is not without its flaws.
The Guardian journalist tells a detailed story of Edward Snowden - from his childhood in a military, Republican family, his short education and brief, failed army career, to his meteoric rise through the intelligence services that eventually enabled him to turn whistleblower.
It's an intriguing tale. Far from being a left-wing radical, Snowden is a staunch supporter of libertarian politician Ron Paul, "whose views are well to the right of many Republicans", as Harding puts it. Snowden acted out of a sense of patriotic duty to the US constitution and his outrage at it being repeatedly violated by a government in love with its technological advantage over other nations.
Harding's book is a real page-turner and he tells the story from many angles - but a glaringly absent voice is that of Snowden. Readers may get the feeling that - as with Harding's previous book on WikiLeaks' Julian Assange - he has rushed the book out to beat the protagonist to the chase.
Harding seems unable to help himself from making repeated digs at Assange along the way. The most unforgivable is his criticism that Assange is reckless because "six months after the first stories appeared based on US diplomatic cables, Julian Assange released the entire un-redacted cache of documents". Harding fails to mention that Assange released the cache only because the encryption key had been published without his approval - in Harding's book.
Readers may also balk at Harding's use of pejorative adjectives, so typical of the corporate media. China is "communist China", Russia is "Vladimir Putin's Russia" and Assange is the "self-styled" editor-in-chief of WikiLeaks. Similarly, Bolivia's president Evo Morales is "an indigenous Indian, who had struggled to read his inauguration speech".
There are also moments of corporate media pretension and smugness that may turn the stomach. Harding notes that the New York Times's cafeteria "hums" with "intelligent chatter". When he writes about Guardian editor-in-chief Alan Rusbridger taking a break from the Snowden investigation at a crucial point, he says: "Rusbridger himself was due to go off to his regular summer ‘piano camp’ in the Lot Valley in central France. He had recently published a book entitled 'Play it Again', an account of how he had combined demanding editing duties and the WikiLeaks story with learning Chopin’s most exacting work, ‘Ballade No. 1’... Rusbridger decided he might as well still go, despite all the dramas. He boarded the Eurostar train bound for Bordeaux. At first it was hard to concentrate on music. Soon, however, he immersed himself completely in Debussy." This and similarly excruciating passages about Rusbridger may leave readers wondering whether Harding is praising his boss or taking the piss out of him.
All this does not mean Harding's book should be avoided. It is well-researched, well-written and he makes plenty of salient points. "[T]he Snowden files show that the NSA [National Security Agency] cheated," he writes.
"Despite the political defeat on back doors, the agency simply went ahead and secretly introduced ‘trapdoors’ into commercial encryption software used by millions of people... By inserting deliberate weaknesses into encryption systems, the agency has made those systems exploitable. Not just by government agencies, who may be acting with good intentions, but by anybody who can get hold of encryption keys – such as hackers or hostile intelligence agencies. Paradoxically, in its quest to make Americans more secure, the NSA has made American communications less secure; it has undermined the safety of the entire internet."
However, readers may wish to wait instead for Snowden to write his own book. After all, Harding quotes the documentary maker who Snowden first contacted, Laura Poitras, as saying the whistleblower is "an amazing writer". "His emails were good," says Poitras. "Everything I got read like a thriller." Buying a book written by Snowden would also mean your money would probably be funding the whistleblower's legal fees, rather than Harding's Hertfordshire lifestyle.
Most depressing, however, is that for all Snowden's sacrifice and The Guardian's undoubtedly hard work, little will probably change. "[B]y 2014 it seemed that the most of the programs exposed by Snowden would carry on," writes Harding.
A well-used sales technique is to give customers a false, high price for a product and then sell it to them at the "reduced" price, so they don't feel so bad about departing with their money. Because Snowden's leak has revealed so much detail, the effect may be that when it comes to surveillance, people are no longer shockable - and don't feel so bad about departing with their secrets. Tellingly, Harding notes that after the outrage over German Chancellor Angela Merkel's phone being hacked, "French reaction was milder than in Germany" when it was revealed France's leader had also been hacked. The intelligence services will undoubtedly go on breaking any new laws that are introduced.
Harding says Snowden, now in exile in Russia, still trusts encryption. But others may follow the lead of Indian and Russian diplomats, who are not so sure. Struggling to come up with any alternative, they have started using typewriters and holding conversations while strolling outdoors. The bitterest irony is that such practices will make them even less accountable.
Here are some memorable quotes...
The zombies were the public, unaware that the iPhone offered the spy agency new snooping capabilities beyond the imagination of the original Big Brother. The ‘paying customers’ had become Orwell’s mindless drones.
The NSA can hoover up photos and voicemail. It can hack Facebook, Google Earth and Yahoo Messenger. Particularly useful is geo-data, which locates where a target has been and when. The agency collects billions of records a day showing the location of mobile phone users across the world.
Another slide says that the NSA has ‘real-time reporting capability’. In other words, the agency is notified each time a target sends an email, writes a text, begins a chat, or even fires up their computer.
In 2002 only a small fraction of international internet traffic went via non-US routes.
The philosophical currents that waft through Cupertino and Palo Alto are libertarian and anti-establishment, a legacy of Silicon Valley’s roots in the hacker community. At the same time, these firms vie for government contracts, hire ex-Washington staff for the inside track and spend millions lobbying for legislation in their favour.
Google prided itself on its mission statement ‘Don’t be evil’; Apple used the Jobsian imperative ‘Think Different’; Microsoft had the motto ‘Your privacy is our priority’. These corporate slogans now seemed to rebound upon their originators with mocking laughter.
But in October 2013 it emerged there was indeed a back door – just one that the companies involved knew nothing about.
In a Q&A with Guardian readers while in hiding in Hong Kong, Snowden himself said: ‘Encryption works. Properly implemented strong crypto systems are one of the few things that you can rely on.’
The White House had defended the ‘human right to seek asylum’ but was now denying him that option, Snowden said, complaining: ‘The Obama administration has now adopted the strategy of using citizenship as a weapon … In the end [it] is not afraid of whistleblowers like me, Bradley Manning or Thomas Drake. We are stateless, imprisoned, or powerless. No, the Obama administration is afraid of you. It is afraid of an informed, angry public demanding the constitutional government it was promised – and it should be.’
[Snowden:] 'Instead, I took what I knew to the public, so what affects all of us can be discussed by all of us in the light of day, and I asked the world for justice.'
[T]he Hamburg-based news magazine Der Spiegel revealed that the NSA routinely harvests the communications of millions of Germans. In an average month it collects around half a billion phone calls, emails and text messages. On a normal day this includes 20 million telephone calls and 10 million internet exchanges. On Christmas Eve 2012 it collected about 13 million phone calls, the magazine reported. Sometimes the figures are higher.
The NSA’s core mission was national security. At least that was the idea. But by the end of 2013 it appeared that the agency’s intelligence-gathering operations were about something much simpler – global power.
Merkel, it transpired, wasn’t the only foreign luminary whose phone the NSA had hacked. An NSA memo from 2006, published by the Guardian, showed it was bugging at least 35 world leaders. The agency had appealed to other ‘customer’ departments such as the White House, State and the Pentagon to share their ‘Rolodexes’ so it could add the phone numbers of leading foreign politicians to the NSA’s surveillance system. One eager official came up with 200 numbers, including the 35 world leaders. The NSA immediately ‘tasked’ them for monitoring.
Ironically enough, Merkel picked up the phone, called Obama and asked him what the hell was going on. The president’s reply was a piece of lawyerly evasion; Obama assured her that the US wasn’t bugging her phone and wouldn’t do so in the future. Or as White House spokesman Jay Carney put it: ‘The president assured the chancellor that the United States is not monitoring and will not monitor the communications of the chancellor.’ It didn’t take an Einstein to work out that the White House was saying nothing about what had happened in the past.
By early 2014 it was clear that the ramifications from Snowden’s revelations were far greater than those caused by WikiLeaks. The publication of secret US diplomatic cables from around the world in late 2010 did have consequences. A handful of US ambassadors were forced to depart; others shifted posts; the cables fed into the Arab Spring, crystallising popular resentment against corrupt regimes in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. Not all of the consequences were negative. Paradoxically, the reputation of the US foreign service went up. American diplomats, broadly speaking, emerged as intelligent, principled and hard-working. A few had genuine literary talent.
Instead, the debate in Australia was a depressing echo of the one in Britain, with some politicians and Murdoch-owned newspapers attacking the media that broke the story.
David Cameron found himself the target of veiled criticism. He declined to say whether GCHQ had been involved in top-level bugging, or if he had seen a readout from Chancellor Merkel’s mobile.
European parliamentarians voted for tough new rules on data privacy... The proposal, an explicit push-back against PRISM... also proposed the right of EU citizens to erase their digital records from the internet, as well as big fines for firms that broke the rules... (In the end Britain came to the US’s rescue, with Cameron persuading EU allies to postpone any new rules until 2015.)
Either way, Snowden’s disclosures seemed to have triggered what Google’s CEO Eric Schmidt dubbed the ‘Balkanization’ of the internet. What was supposed to be a universal tool was in danger of becoming fragmented and ‘country-specific’, he warned.
Perhaps the most unexpected corollary of the Snowden affair was the return of the typewriter. After discovering that the NSA bugged its diplomats, the Indian government turned to old technology. From the summer of 2013 the Indian High Commission in London began using typewriters again. Nothing top secret was stored in electronic form, high commissioner Jaimini Bhagwati told the Times of India. Diplomats had taken to strolling outside: ‘No highly classified information is discussed inside the embassy building. And it’s very tedious to step out into the garden every time something sensitive has to be discussed.’ The Russians had reached the same conclusion. The Kremlin’s super-secret Federal Protection Service (FSO) – a branch of the FSB, that some believe is guarding Snowden – put in a large order for typewriters.
In the wake of Snowden, attitudes towards the intelligence community were changing for the first time since 9/11.
The magazine quoted former intelligence officials who said morale inside the NSA was low. The scrutiny following Snowden’s leaks, coupled with budget cutbacks, meant that the spies were ‘hurting’, one said.
‘The trouble with MPs,’ this senior politician admitted, ‘is most of us don’t really understand the internet.’
Lobban replied with his favourite analogy – the haystack. He said: ‘We don’t use our time listening to the telephone calls or reading the emails of the vast majority.’ Instead, GCHQ was engaged in ‘detective work’. It needed access to ‘an enormous haystack’ – the communications on the internet – in ‘order to draw out the needles’.
The previous week Sir Tim Berners-Lee – the man who invented the internet – had described the UK–USA’s secret efforts to weaken internet encryption as ‘appalling and foolish’.
If governments, officials and spy chiefs wanted to kick newspapers, that was their prerogative [said Alan Rusbridger]. But they should consider what the next leaker might do in the absence of professional journalist outlets. He or she might just dump everything out on the uncensorable worldwide web. ‘Be careful what you wish for,’ the editor warned.
And he [Snowden] returned to his chief theme: that the programs of NSA mass surveillance he exposed ‘don’t make us safe’. In his words: ‘They hurt our economy. They hurt our country. They limit our ability to speak and think and to live and be creative, to have relationships, to associate freely …'
Snowden also wrote that ‘my act of political expression’, as he termed it, had led to a heartening response around the world, including ‘many new laws’...
The NSA could bug ‘anyone’, from the president downwards, he said. In theory the spy agency was supposed to collect only signals intelligence on foreign targets, known as SIGINT. In practice this was a joke, Snowden told [journalist Glenn] Greenwald: it was already hoovering up metadata from millions of Americans. Phone records, email headers, subject lines, seized without acknowledgement or consent. From this you could construct a complete electronic narrative of an individual’s life – their friends, their lovers, their joys, their sorrows.