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Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic
An authoritative account of the second president of the United States that shows how John Adams's leadership and legacy defined the office for those who followed and ensured the survival of the American republic.
The United States of 1797 faced enormous challenges, provoked by enemies foreign and domestic. The father of the new nation, George Washington, left his vice president, John Adams, with relatively little guidance and impossible expectations to meet. Adams was confronted with intense partisan divides, debates over citizenship, fears of political violence, potential for foreign conflict with France and Britain, and a nation unsure that the presidency could even work without Washington at the helm.
Making the Presidency is an authoritative exploration of the second US presidency, a period critical to the survival of the American republic. Through meticulous research and engaging prose, Lindsay Chervinsky illustrates the unique challenges faced by Adams and shows how he shaped the office for his successors. One of the most qualified presidents in American history, he had been a legislator, political theorist, diplomat, minister, and vice president--but he had never held an executive position. Instead, the quixiotic and stubborn Adams would rely on his ideas about executive power, the Constitution, politics, and the state of the world to navigate the hurdles of the position. He defended the presidency from his own often obstructionist cabinet, protected the nation from foreign attacks, and forged trust and dedication to election integrity and the peaceful transfer of power between parties, even though it cost him his political future.
Offering a portrait of one of the most fascinating and influential periods in US history, Making the Presidency is a must-read for anyone interested in the evolution of the presidency and the creation of political norms and customs at the heart of the American republic.
The United States of 1797 faced enormous challenges, provoked by enemies foreign and domestic. The father of the new nation, George Washington, left his vice president, John Adams, with relatively little guidance and impossible expectations to meet. Adams was confronted with intense partisan divides, debates over citizenship, fears of political violence, potential for foreign conflict with France and Britain, and a nation unsure that the presidency could even work without Washington at the helm.
Making the Presidency is an authoritative exploration of the second US presidency, a period critical to the survival of the American republic. Through meticulous research and engaging prose, Lindsay Chervinsky illustrates the unique challenges faced by Adams and shows how he shaped the office for his successors. One of the most qualified presidents in American history, he had been a legislator, political theorist, diplomat, minister, and vice president--but he had never held an executive position. Instead, the quixiotic and stubborn Adams would rely on his ideas about executive power, the Constitution, politics, and the state of the world to navigate the hurdles of the position. He defended the presidency from his own often obstructionist cabinet, protected the nation from foreign attacks, and forged trust and dedication to election integrity and the peaceful transfer of power between parties, even though it cost him his political future.
Offering a portrait of one of the most fascinating and influential periods in US history, Making the Presidency is a must-read for anyone interested in the evolution of the presidency and the creation of political norms and customs at the heart of the American republic.
440 pages, Hardcover
First published August 30, 2024
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 65 reviews
April 10, 2025
If Lindsay Chervinsky writes it, I will most definitely be reading it.
As a historian, I have read several books about the founding era, especially those of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. As Chervinsky says, those other books have good reason that they have been the primary sources for people to read, but this is the first written after the January 6, 2021 insurrection. This shows us just how fragile the peaceful transfer of power is unless we have the right people to ensure that the transfer stays peaceful. Much of Adams's presidency has been discussed as his biggest failure in his political career, where, in reality, like some other presidents, he was inheriting a huge seat to fill, especially taking over after someone like George Washington, who has been well established in the American mythos as a god-like figure. Chervinsky breaks down the Adams administration almost episodically, making it much easier to digest than others, which are more like a textbook. I loved how much she shows the true partnership of Abigail and John, more so than just as a marriage, but also how vocal she was politically in her writings and support of her husband. I also enjoyed how much she showed the behind-the-scenes maneuverings of Adams's first cabinet, which he inherited from Washington, and how many were in Hamilton's pocket. Chervinsky easily blends the administration's narrative with the factual timeline of how the government operation worked and changed over time. I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in understanding the current political climate and where its origins lie.
As a historian, I have read several books about the founding era, especially those of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. As Chervinsky says, those other books have good reason that they have been the primary sources for people to read, but this is the first written after the January 6, 2021 insurrection. This shows us just how fragile the peaceful transfer of power is unless we have the right people to ensure that the transfer stays peaceful. Much of Adams's presidency has been discussed as his biggest failure in his political career, where, in reality, like some other presidents, he was inheriting a huge seat to fill, especially taking over after someone like George Washington, who has been well established in the American mythos as a god-like figure. Chervinsky breaks down the Adams administration almost episodically, making it much easier to digest than others, which are more like a textbook. I loved how much she shows the true partnership of Abigail and John, more so than just as a marriage, but also how vocal she was politically in her writings and support of her husband. I also enjoyed how much she showed the behind-the-scenes maneuverings of Adams's first cabinet, which he inherited from Washington, and how many were in Hamilton's pocket. Chervinsky easily blends the administration's narrative with the factual timeline of how the government operation worked and changed over time. I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in understanding the current political climate and where its origins lie.
June 19, 2025
Phenomenal book about the Presidency of John Adams. Chervinksy writes so well, including detailed descriptions of places, events, and most importantly people to truly bring the narrative history to life. I am a big fan of Adams so this was in my wheelhouse, but the focus on his presidency and the machinations he had to deal with from a cabinet that he inherited that was not supportive really fills a hole in the usual biographies of Adams' life. Highly recommended.
October 17, 2024
I listened to this book via Audible, and I think I’ll have to buy a paper copy to put on my bookcase.
The author suggested a reinterpretation of John Adams’ presidency that revealed the tricky dynamics of politics under the second presidential administration. The often mythical portrayals of the nation’s early leaders are split open to reveal the cunning, conniving, and devious natures hidden away since the early nineteenth century. The author makes a compelling case, using extant sources to craft a new and improved narrative of the Adams presidency.
The author finishes by drawing a clear distinction between the peaceful transfer of power from Adams to his political rival Jefferson and the attempted coup in 2020. She reminds all of us that our republic and its institutions are fragile and must be cared for accordingly.
The author suggested a reinterpretation of John Adams’ presidency that revealed the tricky dynamics of politics under the second presidential administration. The often mythical portrayals of the nation’s early leaders are split open to reveal the cunning, conniving, and devious natures hidden away since the early nineteenth century. The author makes a compelling case, using extant sources to craft a new and improved narrative of the Adams presidency.
The author finishes by drawing a clear distinction between the peaceful transfer of power from Adams to his political rival Jefferson and the attempted coup in 2020. She reminds all of us that our republic and its institutions are fragile and must be cared for accordingly.
September 30, 2024
Dr. Chervinsky is one of my favorite current historians. I was skeptical even she could rescue the much-maligned Adams presidency from oblivion. Well, damned if she hasn't! Dr. Chervinsky doesn't make any claims to Adams being an all-time great, and she doesn't shy away from his many personal shortcomings, but she delivers a book that finally gives PRESIDENT Adams his due. First off, I was thankful she resisted the temptation so many others fall into of claiming their book is going to shine a light on one episode only to turn the tome into a traditional birth to death biography. She skims through his pre-presidency quickly and ends it when the presidency does. The focus is clearly on his achievements in the presidency. And achievements there were. From this page a moderate Adams appears, one who defied his party, and endured endless betrayals from his underlings, to create the longest lasting alliance in recent history--that between the United States and France. In the meantime, he protected executive power from legislative encroachment, kept the army from being used to intimidate political opponents, and as much as Washington, set an example for graceful retirement from public life. That's right, Adams was graceful. There was no precedent at state or federal level for defeated executives to attend their successors' inaugurations, and Adams assured Jefferson throughout the 1800 debacle that he respected the will of the people and that Jefferson would be President. Adams hosted Jefferson at the White House multiple times before his inauguration and tried to make the transition as smooth as possible. All of his so-called midnight appointments were made weeks before the inauguration and fully approved by the Senate. Even more crucially, Adams refused to be used by Arch-Federalists or to call back the Congress which might have allowed bitter Federalists to appoint a temporary President Pro Tem in a bid to deny Jefferson the White House. When some in his party suggested a new election entirely had to be held, Adams let it be known he would not participate and that he supported the people's choice. In Chervinsky's telling, Adams as much as Washington set the precedents for rule of law and peaceful transfer of power that we all cherish--well, all of us not beholden to a Cheeto-stained Fascist anyway. This book is a vital contribution to early presidential history. Dr. Chervinsky has done it again!
May 27, 2024
In 1792, the nation had all but demanded George Washington serve a second term. He was the only President early Americans had ever known but a third term was out of the question. In "Making the Presidency: John Adams and The Precedents That Forged the Republic", Lindsay M. Chervinsky explores how John Adams, as second President of the United States, put his imprint on the presidency after the election of 1796.
While there is a tendency to recall the halcyon days of the early Republic, assuming everyone's motives were pure in the pursuit of freedom, Chervinsky provides a more nuanced perspective in her breathtaking retelling of the election of 1796. The truth is often more complex. Acrimony and factionalism were fully present at the Founding. Foreign election meddling was a concern then as it is now. In the 18th Century, France and Britain both did their best to influence the outcome just as foreign governments look for ways to influence the American electorate today.
This book is an engaging exploration of early American politics. Setting the election in its historical context with echoes to the 21st Century American political landscape, the reader gains a more fulsome appreciation for where we have been as a nation. The inner machinations of Washington's Cabinet, the writing and timing of Washington's Farewell Address and its subsequent impact to the Adams Presidency, are all thoroughly explored in a gripping retelling. Chervinsky's insights and ability to clearly articulate a nuanced narrative of these events draws the reader in to each subsequent chapter.
I had the privilege of receiving the first few chapters of "Making the Presidency: John Adams and The Precedents That Forged the Republic" ahead of the publication date, and am grateful to both the author and the publisher for the opportunity. I can't wait to finish the book!
While there is a tendency to recall the halcyon days of the early Republic, assuming everyone's motives were pure in the pursuit of freedom, Chervinsky provides a more nuanced perspective in her breathtaking retelling of the election of 1796. The truth is often more complex. Acrimony and factionalism were fully present at the Founding. Foreign election meddling was a concern then as it is now. In the 18th Century, France and Britain both did their best to influence the outcome just as foreign governments look for ways to influence the American electorate today.
This book is an engaging exploration of early American politics. Setting the election in its historical context with echoes to the 21st Century American political landscape, the reader gains a more fulsome appreciation for where we have been as a nation. The inner machinations of Washington's Cabinet, the writing and timing of Washington's Farewell Address and its subsequent impact to the Adams Presidency, are all thoroughly explored in a gripping retelling. Chervinsky's insights and ability to clearly articulate a nuanced narrative of these events draws the reader in to each subsequent chapter.
I had the privilege of receiving the first few chapters of "Making the Presidency: John Adams and The Precedents That Forged the Republic" ahead of the publication date, and am grateful to both the author and the publisher for the opportunity. I can't wait to finish the book!
August 8, 2025
Hard to put into words how much I loved this book and how fully this deservedly vindicates Adams. While I previously knew that Adams had to deal with a backstabbing cabinet and an arguably treasonous Vice President, I had no idea how rough the headwinds he faced were (I was especially shocked by Washington's actions, Jefferson's threat of political violence, and Pickering's outright lies to the Adams). The fact that Adams was able to remain on a steady course towards peace and preservation of democratic institutions, even when it was unpopular and he had lost, is a testament to how lucky we are to have had him come second. Adams deserves so much more credit than he gets, and Dr. Chervinksy is excellent not only in her scholarship, but in setting the stakes at every point of his presidency and keeping the reader engaged. Her writing is gripping.
I also really appreciated how she included Abigail's political thoughts and advice at every turn: despite knowing that she was his closest advisor, it's one thing to know that fact and another thing entirely to see her quotes providing astute political analysis on specific situations from hundreds of miles away. It made Abigail's contribution very real.
Finally, I've been reading a lot of early American history to try and understand the current moment better (and find some shreds of optimism), and this book was everything I could have wanted on that front. Between the January 6 and political violence parallels, the Alien and Sedition Acts, and pardons, this book meets the moment in connecting the past to the present without torturing those connections, letting the reader find the throughlines.
I also really appreciated how she included Abigail's political thoughts and advice at every turn: despite knowing that she was his closest advisor, it's one thing to know that fact and another thing entirely to see her quotes providing astute political analysis on specific situations from hundreds of miles away. It made Abigail's contribution very real.
Finally, I've been reading a lot of early American history to try and understand the current moment better (and find some shreds of optimism), and this book was everything I could have wanted on that front. Between the January 6 and political violence parallels, the Alien and Sedition Acts, and pardons, this book meets the moment in connecting the past to the present without torturing those connections, letting the reader find the throughlines.
December 17, 2024
An in-depth and insightful study of our second president who is often overlooked and under appreciated. Adams’ service to and deep love for his country is clearly detailed in Dr. Chervinsky’s latest text.
February 21, 2026
Makes a guy yearn for the days of civic virtue and decency
January 21, 2026
F*ck Jefferson. F*ck Hamilton. And f*********ck the Federalists.
December 12, 2024
This book was ultimately about the peaceful transition of power between the outgoing and incoming President of the United States. John Adams had a peaceful transfer of power when George Washington left the Presidency, but that was about the last peace he had for the next 4 years. He started out as President (from the Federalist Party) with the second place finisher in the election, Thomas Jefferson (from the Republican Party) as his Vice President. These 2 early political parties had clearly opposing agendas; and Jefferson spent his whole VP term undermining Adams. In addition, Adams had to deal with an extreme wing in his own party, the Arch Federalists. Wisely or unwisely in retrospect, Adams retained much of his Cabinet officers from Washington's terms, instead of naming his own people - ostensibly to ease the transition. However, just the opposite occurred, as his own Cabinet either ignored his specific instructions or actively undermined him.
John Adams was a strict Constitutionalist, who went out of his way to avoid a war with France. He was stubborn, overly trusting, and just naive in general, but basically a believer in the American dream of independence and the Republic. Thomas Jefferson, in contrast, was a conniving, underhanded, double crossing politician who sent others to do his dirty work. Not to mention he had children with one of his slaves, Sally Heming.
In the election of 1800, Jefferson / Aaron Burr got 73 electoral votes to Adams 65 - not exactly a rout. But when it came time to certify the election, it took the House of Representatives 36 ballots to finally determine that Jefferson should be President and Burr, Vice President. Before that happened, Jefferson and his party literally threatened violence to get himself declared President (makes you wonder about the similarity between Donald Trump and 1/6/21 insurrection).
Adams eventually left town before Jefferson was sworn in (not even being invited by Jefferson to attend). Despite the nasty lead-up to the election, Jefferson did turn conciliatory and managed to uphold the Constitution (but just barely) and then peaceably transfer power to his eventual successor.
The author would contend that John Adams gets a bad rap from history as a seemingly do nothing one term President; but in fact, he maintained peace with France and transferred power peacefully and fought his detractors both within and outside of his own Federalist Party to do so.
John Adams was a strict Constitutionalist, who went out of his way to avoid a war with France. He was stubborn, overly trusting, and just naive in general, but basically a believer in the American dream of independence and the Republic. Thomas Jefferson, in contrast, was a conniving, underhanded, double crossing politician who sent others to do his dirty work. Not to mention he had children with one of his slaves, Sally Heming.
In the election of 1800, Jefferson / Aaron Burr got 73 electoral votes to Adams 65 - not exactly a rout. But when it came time to certify the election, it took the House of Representatives 36 ballots to finally determine that Jefferson should be President and Burr, Vice President. Before that happened, Jefferson and his party literally threatened violence to get himself declared President (makes you wonder about the similarity between Donald Trump and 1/6/21 insurrection).
Adams eventually left town before Jefferson was sworn in (not even being invited by Jefferson to attend). Despite the nasty lead-up to the election, Jefferson did turn conciliatory and managed to uphold the Constitution (but just barely) and then peaceably transfer power to his eventual successor.
The author would contend that John Adams gets a bad rap from history as a seemingly do nothing one term President; but in fact, he maintained peace with France and transferred power peacefully and fought his detractors both within and outside of his own Federalist Party to do so.
June 26, 2025
Had to return before I finished but I was enjoying this somewhat difficult book to read. It was an interesting insight into how Adams had to fill the shoes of the presidency after Washington. Those were very big shoes and precedents were being set so making changes to how things were done and how they would affect the future of our new nation, needed to be considered with every decision Adams made. A tough job but this shows how Adams was the correct man for the task.
January 2, 2025
An excellent account of Adams's presidency, with a sharp focus on his efforts to maintain peace with France while warding off efforts by the "high Federalists" to pursue a military response that would likely have resulted in a war that the young Republic was unprepared for. At the end of the day, however, Adams' presidency contained more decisions that did NOT become part of the modern practice, such as his retention of Washington's cast and his administration's policy of punishing criticism via the Sedition Act. Hamilton and Jefferson both come off poorly in this account of the Adams presidency, and Adams himself is only partially resuscitated.
October 19, 2025
It’s well researched, engaging, and relevant to the times we are living in today. Chervinsky shatters myths about John Adams and shows the nuance and perspective needed to get a better understanding of the period. It’s a perfect read as the 250 is approaching.
January 4, 2026
This is more than, and more narrow than, a presidential-era bio of John Adams. Rather, it's a precedential bio, to pun on the subtitle, of the second president's presidency.
Several new to me things, without going into spoiler alert details.
First was that Washington, speaking of dealing with precedents and Washington's shadow looming, never invited Adams to a cabinet meeting. They had some minor falling out over Adams' trying to decide on a sufficiently exalted presidential title for GW and he never totally moved off that.
So, with that as a precedent, Adams of course did not invite his pre-12th Amendment Veep Jefferson to cabinet meetings.
Second, there were a few new details to me of Hamilton's machinations via the "Essex Junto" of what the author calls "arch Federalists" about ranks of what were to be Washington's top three assisstants in the Provisional Army.
More new to me is how Adams realized this fairly early on, more than I realized.
Related was the machinations after Adams decided to send a new diplomatic mission to France, post XYZ Affair and how the junto, especially Secretary of State Pickering, tried to gum up the works, but Adams realized eventually what they were doing.
At the same time, by spending a large chunk of 1799 in Massachusetts, he didn't catch on as early as he could have how deep and party-divisive the machinations were.
Meanwhile, the Alien and Sedition Acts are grinding on. Federalists had good results in the 1798 midterm elections and so figured they didn't have to worry about fallout, even though Hamilton of all people said they should do congressional public hearings and make at least cosmetic changes.
Then GW dies and Adams becomes more assertive yet, even as the junto becomes more resistant to the idea of his being the Federalist candidate in 1800. Hamilton engages in more machinations, namely to try to get Federalist electors to substitute Charles Cotesworth Pinckney in the pre-12th Amendment era of the electoral college.
Details of this are new to me.
Finally, the deadlocked election, with plenty before Aaron Burr's smiling duplicity. (Sadly, news that the envoys of Adams' new mission to France had negotiated the Treaty of Mortefontaine, known in the US as the Convention of 1800, did not arrive until after the voting, in a great what-if of history. Maybe Adams would have won, the Essex Junto been crushed, and Jefferson's calumnies related to the actual election been wrong-footed. Surely Adams, though perhaps more cautiously than Jefferson, would have pursued the acquisition of at least New Orleans.)
Federalists, preferring Jefferson to Burr, indirectly/informally approached him early on and he wouldn't even given an informal deal. Eventually, after the multiple ballots in the House, the informal deal that could have been done a month earlier gets done.
Before that point, some of the junto-type Federalists had hoped to stall past March 4 and then controlling the current Congress until November, due to its part-time nature then, name an interim president. Republicans Govs Thomas McKean and James Monroe have Pennsylvania and New York militias ready to march against this.
Jefferson supports the possible recourse to violence and both then and decades later, claimed Adams was linked to this. I won't give away the details.
Especially since he was not invited to any inaugural festivities, is it any wonder Adams left in the morning of March 4?
Chervinsky also handles well how Adams became more confident with Washington's death removing that shadow, and how, long before the 1867 Tenure of Office Act and the 1789 legislation establishing the first cabinet departments, Adams insisted he had the power to fire cabinet secretaries if they wouldn't resign, and eventually did so with Secretary of State Pickering.
Anyway, without too much spoiler, there's plenty here for any serious student of founding fathers American history. Your estimation of Adams will go up to way up; that of Hamilton, and of Jefferson and his two successors, Madison and Monroe, who repeated his calumnies about Adams being a conniving arch Federalist, midnight judges, etc. will go down.
Several new to me things, without going into spoiler alert details.
First was that Washington, speaking of dealing with precedents and Washington's shadow looming, never invited Adams to a cabinet meeting. They had some minor falling out over Adams' trying to decide on a sufficiently exalted presidential title for GW and he never totally moved off that.
So, with that as a precedent, Adams of course did not invite his pre-12th Amendment Veep Jefferson to cabinet meetings.
Second, there were a few new details to me of Hamilton's machinations via the "Essex Junto" of what the author calls "arch Federalists" about ranks of what were to be Washington's top three assisstants in the Provisional Army.
More new to me is how Adams realized this fairly early on, more than I realized.
Related was the machinations after Adams decided to send a new diplomatic mission to France, post XYZ Affair and how the junto, especially Secretary of State Pickering, tried to gum up the works, but Adams realized eventually what they were doing.
At the same time, by spending a large chunk of 1799 in Massachusetts, he didn't catch on as early as he could have how deep and party-divisive the machinations were.
Meanwhile, the Alien and Sedition Acts are grinding on. Federalists had good results in the 1798 midterm elections and so figured they didn't have to worry about fallout, even though Hamilton of all people said they should do congressional public hearings and make at least cosmetic changes.
Then GW dies and Adams becomes more assertive yet, even as the junto becomes more resistant to the idea of his being the Federalist candidate in 1800. Hamilton engages in more machinations, namely to try to get Federalist electors to substitute Charles Cotesworth Pinckney in the pre-12th Amendment era of the electoral college.
Details of this are new to me.
Finally, the deadlocked election, with plenty before Aaron Burr's smiling duplicity. (Sadly, news that the envoys of Adams' new mission to France had negotiated the Treaty of Mortefontaine, known in the US as the Convention of 1800, did not arrive until after the voting, in a great what-if of history. Maybe Adams would have won, the Essex Junto been crushed, and Jefferson's calumnies related to the actual election been wrong-footed. Surely Adams, though perhaps more cautiously than Jefferson, would have pursued the acquisition of at least New Orleans.)
Federalists, preferring Jefferson to Burr, indirectly/informally approached him early on and he wouldn't even given an informal deal. Eventually, after the multiple ballots in the House, the informal deal that could have been done a month earlier gets done.
Before that point, some of the junto-type Federalists had hoped to stall past March 4 and then controlling the current Congress until November, due to its part-time nature then, name an interim president. Republicans Govs Thomas McKean and James Monroe have Pennsylvania and New York militias ready to march against this.
Jefferson supports the possible recourse to violence and both then and decades later, claimed Adams was linked to this. I won't give away the details.
Especially since he was not invited to any inaugural festivities, is it any wonder Adams left in the morning of March 4?
Chervinsky also handles well how Adams became more confident with Washington's death removing that shadow, and how, long before the 1867 Tenure of Office Act and the 1789 legislation establishing the first cabinet departments, Adams insisted he had the power to fire cabinet secretaries if they wouldn't resign, and eventually did so with Secretary of State Pickering.
Anyway, without too much spoiler, there's plenty here for any serious student of founding fathers American history. Your estimation of Adams will go up to way up; that of Hamilton, and of Jefferson and his two successors, Madison and Monroe, who repeated his calumnies about Adams being a conniving arch Federalist, midnight judges, etc. will go down.
April 15, 2025
John Adams is rightly celebrated as one of the leading voices of the American Revolution, yet his presidency is often overlooked or dismissed as the low point of his public career. Even respected biographers like David McCullough and John Ferling devote relatively little attention to his time in office. Due in large part to the efforts of rivals like Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, Adams’s legacy has been overshadowed by portrayals of him as irritable, vain, and impulsive—traits repeated in early accounts that often relied on Hamilton’s own language.
Lindsay Chervinsky’s Making the Presidency aims to change that narrative. In her telling, while George Washington may have created the presidency, John Adams defined it. Through careful historical analysis and compelling storytelling, Chervinsky restores Adams to his rightful place as a pivotal figure in the development of the American executive.
One of Adams’s most important accomplishments, Chervinsky argues, was simply demonstrating that someone other than Washington could be president. Washington’s near-universal acclaim gave his decisions unquestioned authority, but they remained, in many cases, untested precedents. Adams’s presidency proved that the office could survive transition. He faced serious international threats and fierce domestic opposition, yet he prioritized peace over popularity, especially in his decision to negotiate a treaty with France to avoid war. This commitment came at great political cost and ultimately weakened his position within the Federalist Party, but it preserved American neutrality and stability at a critical moment.
Chervinsky also highlights Adams’s crucial role in defining executive authority. The Constitution was vague on many matters, including the relationship between the president and the Cabinet. Adams asserted his right to fire cabinet members, something no president had done before. His Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, and others believed the Cabinet should function independently to “protect” the president from poor decisions—a notion Adams flatly rejected. His insistence on executive control helped establish the president’s authority over the administration.
Adams helped establish the norm of peaceful transfer of power, twice. First, when he succeeded Washington, and later when he lost to Jefferson and ceded power to a political opponent. The Constitution was silent on how such transitions should be handled, and Washington offered no guidance. Despite being embattled and politically isolated, Adams ensured that the transition to Jefferson’s administration was smooth and respectful, even encouraging his Cabinet to assist the incoming team.
David McCullough would always say, “Things didn’t have to turn out the way they did.” Adams and his contemporaries were not following a script; they were improvising, interpreting, and inventing new norms in real time. Chervinsky shows how the gaps and silences in the Constitution were not bugs, but spaces that required judgment, courage, and principle—qualities Adams brought to the presidency.
Far from being an afterthought in early American political development, John Adams emerges in Making the Presidency as a founding figure of the executive branch in his own right. Chervinsky convincingly argues that Adams’s presidency shaped institutions, behaviors, and expectations that continue to define the American political system more than two centuries later.
Lindsay Chervinsky’s Making the Presidency aims to change that narrative. In her telling, while George Washington may have created the presidency, John Adams defined it. Through careful historical analysis and compelling storytelling, Chervinsky restores Adams to his rightful place as a pivotal figure in the development of the American executive.
One of Adams’s most important accomplishments, Chervinsky argues, was simply demonstrating that someone other than Washington could be president. Washington’s near-universal acclaim gave his decisions unquestioned authority, but they remained, in many cases, untested precedents. Adams’s presidency proved that the office could survive transition. He faced serious international threats and fierce domestic opposition, yet he prioritized peace over popularity, especially in his decision to negotiate a treaty with France to avoid war. This commitment came at great political cost and ultimately weakened his position within the Federalist Party, but it preserved American neutrality and stability at a critical moment.
Chervinsky also highlights Adams’s crucial role in defining executive authority. The Constitution was vague on many matters, including the relationship between the president and the Cabinet. Adams asserted his right to fire cabinet members, something no president had done before. His Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, and others believed the Cabinet should function independently to “protect” the president from poor decisions—a notion Adams flatly rejected. His insistence on executive control helped establish the president’s authority over the administration.
Adams helped establish the norm of peaceful transfer of power, twice. First, when he succeeded Washington, and later when he lost to Jefferson and ceded power to a political opponent. The Constitution was silent on how such transitions should be handled, and Washington offered no guidance. Despite being embattled and politically isolated, Adams ensured that the transition to Jefferson’s administration was smooth and respectful, even encouraging his Cabinet to assist the incoming team.
David McCullough would always say, “Things didn’t have to turn out the way they did.” Adams and his contemporaries were not following a script; they were improvising, interpreting, and inventing new norms in real time. Chervinsky shows how the gaps and silences in the Constitution were not bugs, but spaces that required judgment, courage, and principle—qualities Adams brought to the presidency.
Far from being an afterthought in early American political development, John Adams emerges in Making the Presidency as a founding figure of the executive branch in his own right. Chervinsky convincingly argues that Adams’s presidency shaped institutions, behaviors, and expectations that continue to define the American political system more than two centuries later.
February 5, 2025
I read “Making The Presidency” in preparation for a book club meeting. It is one of the best books we have read in this club. Author Lindsay Chervinsky has crafted a valuable analysis of the molding administration of John Adams during the juvenile days of our republic and illustrates the precedents it provides for our own times.
Though often regarded as a petty, pompous pigmy between giants Washington and Jefferson, Chervinsky presents him as a skilled pilot of the ship of state through unsure straits of our early history. Adams’s challenges were unique. Successor to the esteemed Washington, Adams was the first President to face a contested election and participate in transitions, both as allied successor and defeated antagonist.
Washington had established many precedents but left much unsettled. Was the cabinet obligated to carry out the president’s policies and did it serve at his pleasure (a question that would pose problems for Anderw Johnson), or was our government presidential or, like Britain’s, a collective executive of which the president is the face and moderator? What relationship should there be between the president and vice-president? Adams played little role in Washington’s administration and received little support from his chief whom he supported, a fate endured by most of his successors. How should Adams treat his political opponent and vice-president, Thomas Jefferson?
Adams’s Administration faced myriad crises, domestic and foreign. He was the face of a divided party strongly influenced by Alexander Hamilton and opposed by the nascent Republican party. Adams, with limited political power, was confronted with the threat of war with France, necessitating the raising of an army, a controversial proposition on several planes, the XYZ Affair in which American diplomats refused to bribe French officials and a mob estimated at 10,000, approaching the President’s House, necessitating the distribution of guns to all inside, even the President himself. The Alien and Sedition Acts were self-inflicted scars on Adams’s reelection prospects and his legacy.
The greatest and one of the last tests was the election of 1800. Amidst conflicting rumors about negotiations with France, an incredibly vicious campaign and undercover conspiracies to slip Charles Coatsworth Pinkney into the White House, Adams was defeated. A tie vote between Jefferson and Aaron Burr, sending the election to the House of Representatives. During thirty-five indecisive ballots Federalists sought ways to use their Congressional majorities to seat one of their own in the presidency while Republican governors, and Jefferson himself, threatened to raise militia to march on Washington.
The book club conducted a extensive and interesting discussion of the book itself and its subject.
This work brings to mind the fragile nature of the democratic experiment that Adams left steadied and pointed into the future. In case a reader mises them, Chervinsky directly draws parallels between 1801 and 2021. This is an excellent resource for readers seeking to appreciate the tests our youthful republic withstood and the lessons they teach us. I look forward to a series of presidential histories by this talented scholar.
Though often regarded as a petty, pompous pigmy between giants Washington and Jefferson, Chervinsky presents him as a skilled pilot of the ship of state through unsure straits of our early history. Adams’s challenges were unique. Successor to the esteemed Washington, Adams was the first President to face a contested election and participate in transitions, both as allied successor and defeated antagonist.
Washington had established many precedents but left much unsettled. Was the cabinet obligated to carry out the president’s policies and did it serve at his pleasure (a question that would pose problems for Anderw Johnson), or was our government presidential or, like Britain’s, a collective executive of which the president is the face and moderator? What relationship should there be between the president and vice-president? Adams played little role in Washington’s administration and received little support from his chief whom he supported, a fate endured by most of his successors. How should Adams treat his political opponent and vice-president, Thomas Jefferson?
Adams’s Administration faced myriad crises, domestic and foreign. He was the face of a divided party strongly influenced by Alexander Hamilton and opposed by the nascent Republican party. Adams, with limited political power, was confronted with the threat of war with France, necessitating the raising of an army, a controversial proposition on several planes, the XYZ Affair in which American diplomats refused to bribe French officials and a mob estimated at 10,000, approaching the President’s House, necessitating the distribution of guns to all inside, even the President himself. The Alien and Sedition Acts were self-inflicted scars on Adams’s reelection prospects and his legacy.
The greatest and one of the last tests was the election of 1800. Amidst conflicting rumors about negotiations with France, an incredibly vicious campaign and undercover conspiracies to slip Charles Coatsworth Pinkney into the White House, Adams was defeated. A tie vote between Jefferson and Aaron Burr, sending the election to the House of Representatives. During thirty-five indecisive ballots Federalists sought ways to use their Congressional majorities to seat one of their own in the presidency while Republican governors, and Jefferson himself, threatened to raise militia to march on Washington.
The book club conducted a extensive and interesting discussion of the book itself and its subject.
This work brings to mind the fragile nature of the democratic experiment that Adams left steadied and pointed into the future. In case a reader mises them, Chervinsky directly draws parallels between 1801 and 2021. This is an excellent resource for readers seeking to appreciate the tests our youthful republic withstood and the lessons they teach us. I look forward to a series of presidential histories by this talented scholar.
March 8, 2025
I like the John McPherson comic with a new pastor cowering in his pulpit beneath a massive portrait of the previous pastor. A plate reads something like "The Greatest Pastor Any Church Ever Had." John Adams, as he followed George Washington into the presidency, would surely sympathize.
I was predisposed to agree with Lindsay M. Chervinsky that Adams’s administration was more pivotal than its one term suggests. Beyond that, however, even though she published this while Executive Director of the George Washington Presidential Library, she pulls no punches in sketching just how doomed Adams was because of George Washington and the Federalists.
I might, in fact, quibble with the title. Adams did set important precedents in two peaceful transfers of power and in his pardon of insurrectionists. Still, I might have titled this, “Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Terrible, Horrible, No Good, Very Bad Cabinet.”
Adams made the mistake of thinking he could carry over Washington’s Cabinet and that its loyalties would transfer to him. In reality, half of it belonged to former Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, who colluded with them as a shadow president to enact an agenda of domestic suppression, friendship with Britain, hostility to France, and military adventure in North America.
Washington helped not at all. He had already boxed his Vice President out of the administration for eight years, leaving Adams ill-equipped to take the reins. Then, during the Quasi-War with France, General Washington leveraged his godlike status against the president’s authority as Commander in Chief in a way that Washington himself would never have tolerated.
In Chervinsky’s telling, Adams sometimes almost disappears amidst the intrigues. Letters fly between conspirators, and you’ll need a chart to track all the Federalists trying to circumvent the people’s choice to give them what they really need: a military-financial aristocracy with the means to punish dissent, guide elections to proper outcomes, and rule an American Empire in perpetuity.
Adams belatedly wrestled back control of his administration, setting a crucial precedent amidst the silence of the Constitution: that the president runs the Cabinet, not vice versa. His unilateral termination of his Secretary of State swerved away from a British-style parliamentary executive, served by unelected but virtually sovereign ministers, and toward the strong presidency we know today.
The Federalist Party never recovered from Adams’s intransigent devotion to peace abroad, freedom at home, and the president’s authority to pursue those ends. The circular firing squad that ensued in the Election of 1800 sealed the party’s doom and aided the rise of Jeffersonian democracy. But though Adams may have left Washington, D.C. a beaten man, he left behind an enduring legacy: an executive office with enough power to change the world for any president willing to wield it.
I was predisposed to agree with Lindsay M. Chervinsky that Adams’s administration was more pivotal than its one term suggests. Beyond that, however, even though she published this while Executive Director of the George Washington Presidential Library, she pulls no punches in sketching just how doomed Adams was because of George Washington and the Federalists.
I might, in fact, quibble with the title. Adams did set important precedents in two peaceful transfers of power and in his pardon of insurrectionists. Still, I might have titled this, “Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Terrible, Horrible, No Good, Very Bad Cabinet.”
Adams made the mistake of thinking he could carry over Washington’s Cabinet and that its loyalties would transfer to him. In reality, half of it belonged to former Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton, who colluded with them as a shadow president to enact an agenda of domestic suppression, friendship with Britain, hostility to France, and military adventure in North America.
Washington helped not at all. He had already boxed his Vice President out of the administration for eight years, leaving Adams ill-equipped to take the reins. Then, during the Quasi-War with France, General Washington leveraged his godlike status against the president’s authority as Commander in Chief in a way that Washington himself would never have tolerated.
In Chervinsky’s telling, Adams sometimes almost disappears amidst the intrigues. Letters fly between conspirators, and you’ll need a chart to track all the Federalists trying to circumvent the people’s choice to give them what they really need: a military-financial aristocracy with the means to punish dissent, guide elections to proper outcomes, and rule an American Empire in perpetuity.
Adams belatedly wrestled back control of his administration, setting a crucial precedent amidst the silence of the Constitution: that the president runs the Cabinet, not vice versa. His unilateral termination of his Secretary of State swerved away from a British-style parliamentary executive, served by unelected but virtually sovereign ministers, and toward the strong presidency we know today.
The Federalist Party never recovered from Adams’s intransigent devotion to peace abroad, freedom at home, and the president’s authority to pursue those ends. The circular firing squad that ensued in the Election of 1800 sealed the party’s doom and aided the rise of Jeffersonian democracy. But though Adams may have left Washington, D.C. a beaten man, he left behind an enduring legacy: an executive office with enough power to change the world for any president willing to wield it.
November 18, 2024
This is something of an in-depth look at Adams' four years in the presidency (plus a few months before and after). Tumult with France occupied a very large portion of that presidency (well, that and traveling back and forth to Quincy; it's not as though LBJ or Reagan or Bush or Biden invented the idea of spending a lot of time back at the ranch).
Hostilities with France meant several things, but what is most obvious for someone reading about it two centuries later is the slowness of it all. Correspondence from New York to Philadelphia took long enough. Now imagine across to France, with a twenty-five-day crossing considered very quick. It was often months before any progress was made. Now add in the perfidy of Talleyrand and others leading to the XYZ Affair, and for long stretches of this book it seemed as though little else was happening.
Perhaps tragically for Adams, peace was reached before the 1800 election--but news of such didn't reach these shores before most states had voted. I do believe it would have made a difference.
Chervinsky is neither great nor terrible as an author. Again, most history of this era will involve correspondence--what other evidence do we have? Contemporary newspapers, I guess. So reading can drag a bit, and this author doesn't do a great job of reorienting readers or highlight significances of various epistolary interactions. And at times she tries too hard to make a point about certain later presidential transition difficulties without making that point (until the last page).
And yet, I admire her respect for John Adams, who is likely underrated. I'll quote a bit from the conclusion:
There is no doubt that Adams had a temper and was prone to outbursts. He resented that his service wasn't glorified like Washington's, and he distrusted Hamilton's influence among the Federalists. But he was relentlessly dependable. He was protective of executive power, but not often precious about his own. He demonstrated a capacity for forgiveness and was extraordinarily loyal to his friends and family. When he harbored suspicions about a political rival or foreign diplomat, he was almost always correct.
Adams also showed nearly unrivaled diplomatic instincts. The Treaty of Mortefontaine receives little credit in the history books, but it was a remarkable achievement. It saved the United States from a costly and dangerous war that the nation might not have survived. The treaty also laid the groundwork for one of the longest, continuous alliances in the world. The United States and France have been trusted allies since 1800. Adams pursued this treaty in the face of resistance from many of his closest advisers and his party. He showed real personal and political courage.
Hostilities with France meant several things, but what is most obvious for someone reading about it two centuries later is the slowness of it all. Correspondence from New York to Philadelphia took long enough. Now imagine across to France, with a twenty-five-day crossing considered very quick. It was often months before any progress was made. Now add in the perfidy of Talleyrand and others leading to the XYZ Affair, and for long stretches of this book it seemed as though little else was happening.
Perhaps tragically for Adams, peace was reached before the 1800 election--but news of such didn't reach these shores before most states had voted. I do believe it would have made a difference.
Chervinsky is neither great nor terrible as an author. Again, most history of this era will involve correspondence--what other evidence do we have? Contemporary newspapers, I guess. So reading can drag a bit, and this author doesn't do a great job of reorienting readers or highlight significances of various epistolary interactions. And at times she tries too hard to make a point about certain later presidential transition difficulties without making that point (until the last page).
And yet, I admire her respect for John Adams, who is likely underrated. I'll quote a bit from the conclusion:
There is no doubt that Adams had a temper and was prone to outbursts. He resented that his service wasn't glorified like Washington's, and he distrusted Hamilton's influence among the Federalists. But he was relentlessly dependable. He was protective of executive power, but not often precious about his own. He demonstrated a capacity for forgiveness and was extraordinarily loyal to his friends and family. When he harbored suspicions about a political rival or foreign diplomat, he was almost always correct.
Adams also showed nearly unrivaled diplomatic instincts. The Treaty of Mortefontaine receives little credit in the history books, but it was a remarkable achievement. It saved the United States from a costly and dangerous war that the nation might not have survived. The treaty also laid the groundwork for one of the longest, continuous alliances in the world. The United States and France have been trusted allies since 1800. Adams pursued this treaty in the face of resistance from many of his closest advisers and his party. He showed real personal and political courage.
June 6, 2024
Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic
Dr. Lindsay M. Chervinsky
Note—This review(preview) is based on an advanced release of the first two chapters.
For fans of the Dr. Chervinsky’s previous book The Cabinet; George Washington and the creation of an America Institution, this serves as a sequel to answer the question, “Where the heck was John Adams during the first administration?” The simple answer is he was not involved with decisions, nor did he consult with Washington. This book also stands alone for those new to the author in that it will take a deep dive into a period of time glossed over in most Adams’ biographies, his presidency. Those familiar with Adam’s career know, he was an unhappy Vice President followed by a single term as President that was full of turmoil and accusations of being a monarchist.
The first few chapters set the scene of the country as Adams is elected and takes office with a rival as Vice President (Jefferson) who had far more experience on how the presidency worked. Jefferson was in Washington’s cabinet as Secretary of State and met with Washington far more than Adams. From the first day when Adams walked into the executive mansion and found furniture “fit to sit in”, he had to forge a presidency after taking over from the most celebrated human in early US history. Chervinsky notes he is in the middle of two extreme transitions of power: 1) taking over from a universally liked Washington and 2) losing his job to rival Jefferson. He was a model of transition of power that is perfect timing for the current election season. She also discusses how he must deal with partisan politics for the first time by a President mixed with ongoing tensions with England and France.
I look forward to receiving my copy on release date and recommend (as I do her initial book) for its well flowing information mixed with a knack for finding frank anecdotes from historical figures while making to feel you are walking into the executive mansion, cabinet room, or Madison’s house (as Jefferson visits his old friend before starting as VP).
Dr. Lindsay M. Chervinsky
Note—This review(preview) is based on an advanced release of the first two chapters.
For fans of the Dr. Chervinsky’s previous book The Cabinet; George Washington and the creation of an America Institution, this serves as a sequel to answer the question, “Where the heck was John Adams during the first administration?” The simple answer is he was not involved with decisions, nor did he consult with Washington. This book also stands alone for those new to the author in that it will take a deep dive into a period of time glossed over in most Adams’ biographies, his presidency. Those familiar with Adam’s career know, he was an unhappy Vice President followed by a single term as President that was full of turmoil and accusations of being a monarchist.
The first few chapters set the scene of the country as Adams is elected and takes office with a rival as Vice President (Jefferson) who had far more experience on how the presidency worked. Jefferson was in Washington’s cabinet as Secretary of State and met with Washington far more than Adams. From the first day when Adams walked into the executive mansion and found furniture “fit to sit in”, he had to forge a presidency after taking over from the most celebrated human in early US history. Chervinsky notes he is in the middle of two extreme transitions of power: 1) taking over from a universally liked Washington and 2) losing his job to rival Jefferson. He was a model of transition of power that is perfect timing for the current election season. She also discusses how he must deal with partisan politics for the first time by a President mixed with ongoing tensions with England and France.
I look forward to receiving my copy on release date and recommend (as I do her initial book) for its well flowing information mixed with a knack for finding frank anecdotes from historical figures while making to feel you are walking into the executive mansion, cabinet room, or Madison’s house (as Jefferson visits his old friend before starting as VP).
June 16, 2025
Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic by @lchervinsky
.
.
Descending from a long line of New Englanders myself, I feel I connect with John Adams on a deep spiritual level as a fellow salty old puritan from Massachusetts. This man was rocking the IDGAF vibes since the late 1700’s and unfortunately for him, his contemporaries took that personally and made sure he did not get the historical recognition he deserved. @lchervinsky helps to correct the historical record and offers an extremely well researched work on how John Adams, during his presidency (1797-1801), set many precedents that became the foundation of our fragile republic. Adams had his work cut out for him following in the (very big) footsteps of George Washington (who could do no wrong) and dealing with the leftovers from his arch federalist cabinet (and that charlatan Alexander Hamilton). John may have been a prickly and stubborn at times, but his flaws were heavily outweighed by his brilliant political instincts, independent mind, and puritanical morals. He truly wanted what was best for his country, consequences be damned. And we find out their were consequences; both political parties couldn’t stand him because he put country over party, so they ensured his legacy of solid governance would forever be skewed and slandered.
History should well remember that John Adams did what Woodrow Wilson falsely promised, “He Kept us out of War”, only this time it was France 🇫🇷 in 1800, arguably his finest act of statesmanship.
This book is wonderfully written, incredibly well researched and offers something new and exciting in the lexicon of John Adams of Massachusetts. Highly recommend!
And a special thanks to @literature.and.lace for a copy of the book 📕. Much appreciated.
.
.
Descending from a long line of New Englanders myself, I feel I connect with John Adams on a deep spiritual level as a fellow salty old puritan from Massachusetts. This man was rocking the IDGAF vibes since the late 1700’s and unfortunately for him, his contemporaries took that personally and made sure he did not get the historical recognition he deserved. @lchervinsky helps to correct the historical record and offers an extremely well researched work on how John Adams, during his presidency (1797-1801), set many precedents that became the foundation of our fragile republic. Adams had his work cut out for him following in the (very big) footsteps of George Washington (who could do no wrong) and dealing with the leftovers from his arch federalist cabinet (and that charlatan Alexander Hamilton). John may have been a prickly and stubborn at times, but his flaws were heavily outweighed by his brilliant political instincts, independent mind, and puritanical morals. He truly wanted what was best for his country, consequences be damned. And we find out their were consequences; both political parties couldn’t stand him because he put country over party, so they ensured his legacy of solid governance would forever be skewed and slandered.
History should well remember that John Adams did what Woodrow Wilson falsely promised, “He Kept us out of War”, only this time it was France 🇫🇷 in 1800, arguably his finest act of statesmanship.
This book is wonderfully written, incredibly well researched and offers something new and exciting in the lexicon of John Adams of Massachusetts. Highly recommend!
And a special thanks to @literature.and.lace for a copy of the book 📕. Much appreciated.
Read
December 27, 2024Excerpts from the Epilogue --
(at 337-38)
For all the shadows of the election of 1800, there were critical precedents that shaped the way future generations participated in the democratic election process...
...
This peaceful transfer of power was not the result of a clearly articulated process in the Constitution or a specific statute, In 1800, very few details of the transition process had been written down or codified. While we might assume today that eighteenth-century Americans revered the Constitution and respected the sanctity of their elections as a central feature of the republlic, they did not. Instead, this defining characteristic of American democracy emerged because the first two administrations established the precedent that crystallized into norms and customs. These political practices were not guaranteed. They required repetition and practice over decades to become a cherished feature of the political system. The Constitution's quasi-sacred status emerged slowly over the centuries.
None of this would have been possible without John Adams. He refused to meddle in Congress, he rejected Federalist schemes, he steadfastly adhered to the text of the Constitution, and he walked away after losing with no fuss. these invaluable contributions ensured the survival of the presidency, And yet, the details of Adams's presidency and the important role he played establishing democratic norms are rarely remembered.
(at 340)
Shortly after spending his first night in the Executive Mansion, Adams wrote to Abigail, "I pray Heaven to bestow the best of Blessings on this House and all that shall hereafter inhabit it. May none but honest and wise Men ever rule under this roof." He did everything in his power to make that prayer a reality.
(at 337-38)
For all the shadows of the election of 1800, there were critical precedents that shaped the way future generations participated in the democratic election process...
...
This peaceful transfer of power was not the result of a clearly articulated process in the Constitution or a specific statute, In 1800, very few details of the transition process had been written down or codified. While we might assume today that eighteenth-century Americans revered the Constitution and respected the sanctity of their elections as a central feature of the republlic, they did not. Instead, this defining characteristic of American democracy emerged because the first two administrations established the precedent that crystallized into norms and customs. These political practices were not guaranteed. They required repetition and practice over decades to become a cherished feature of the political system. The Constitution's quasi-sacred status emerged slowly over the centuries.
None of this would have been possible without John Adams. He refused to meddle in Congress, he rejected Federalist schemes, he steadfastly adhered to the text of the Constitution, and he walked away after losing with no fuss. these invaluable contributions ensured the survival of the presidency, And yet, the details of Adams's presidency and the important role he played establishing democratic norms are rarely remembered.
(at 340)
Shortly after spending his first night in the Executive Mansion, Adams wrote to Abigail, "I pray Heaven to bestow the best of Blessings on this House and all that shall hereafter inhabit it. May none but honest and wise Men ever rule under this roof." He did everything in his power to make that prayer a reality.
February 6, 2025
After finishing this book, I was convinced that John Adams is as deserving a place on Mt. Rushmore as Washington or Jefferson. (Although maybe we shouldn’t have defaced land that didn’t belong to us with presidential mugs in the first place.) Maybe the best legacy to John Adams is that his faced doesn’t appear on land we stole from the Lakota tribe. Chervincky argues persuasively that Adams made decisions based on righteousness, not popularity or financial gain or political expediency. This is in contrast to both Washington and Jefferson who slipped easily into dishonesty and hypocrisy—in both their presidencies and post-presidencies—well documented in Making the Presidency.
One of the reasons Washington is considered so great is because of the precedents he set as president. And while he did indeed set many valuable and lasting traditions and customs—John Adams set even more—even though those have not been mentioned before this book. It is a ground-breaking book.
Adams was the first president to follow another president. He was the first to be defeated for re-election. He was the first to live in the White House. The first to face a full-blown party system in the country. The first to struggle with the power of propaganda in the political system.
This quote from the introduction got me hooked: “George Washington had served…for eight years…no one else (at that time) possessed his stature or enjoyed the same levels of public trust—and no one else ever would again. Adams was tasked with navigating the presidency without that prestige. He was guaranteed to fail in comparison with Washington. The challenge of the second president, therefore, called for someone to battle the growing partisan divisions without Washington’s presence to provide unity, to withstand cabinet schemes fomented by department secretaries to increase their authority at the expense of the president, and to combat European countries’ efforts to exploit the United States’s weakness… The office required a president willing to sacrifice his reputation and popularity on behalf of the nation. Whoever came next was going to mold the office for all chief executives to follow. John Adams was an experienced diplomat and thoughtful constitutional thinker. He was also irascible, stubborn, quixotic, and certain that he knew best most of the time. He proved to be the right man for the moment.
The book also makes clear that Abagail Adams was the right First Lady for the moment.
This book is the first thorough examination of Adams’s presidency. Other biographies and accounts focus on his whole life—but give short attention to Adams’s presidential years. This book fills a long-needed gap. It joins several other more recent books about John Adams that are helping us see that he was one of the most consequential leaders AND president’s in our country’s history, such as John McCullough’s John Adams and Nancy Isen berg and Andrew Burstein’s The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality.
Those of us who are troubled by the current trend in politics would do well to measure the amount of news in our reading diet and devote some of that time instead to John Adams. He is one of the lights from the past who could help us navigate our current troubles.
One of the reasons Washington is considered so great is because of the precedents he set as president. And while he did indeed set many valuable and lasting traditions and customs—John Adams set even more—even though those have not been mentioned before this book. It is a ground-breaking book.
Adams was the first president to follow another president. He was the first to be defeated for re-election. He was the first to live in the White House. The first to face a full-blown party system in the country. The first to struggle with the power of propaganda in the political system.
This quote from the introduction got me hooked: “George Washington had served…for eight years…no one else (at that time) possessed his stature or enjoyed the same levels of public trust—and no one else ever would again. Adams was tasked with navigating the presidency without that prestige. He was guaranteed to fail in comparison with Washington. The challenge of the second president, therefore, called for someone to battle the growing partisan divisions without Washington’s presence to provide unity, to withstand cabinet schemes fomented by department secretaries to increase their authority at the expense of the president, and to combat European countries’ efforts to exploit the United States’s weakness… The office required a president willing to sacrifice his reputation and popularity on behalf of the nation. Whoever came next was going to mold the office for all chief executives to follow. John Adams was an experienced diplomat and thoughtful constitutional thinker. He was also irascible, stubborn, quixotic, and certain that he knew best most of the time. He proved to be the right man for the moment.
The book also makes clear that Abagail Adams was the right First Lady for the moment.
This book is the first thorough examination of Adams’s presidency. Other biographies and accounts focus on his whole life—but give short attention to Adams’s presidential years. This book fills a long-needed gap. It joins several other more recent books about John Adams that are helping us see that he was one of the most consequential leaders AND president’s in our country’s history, such as John McCullough’s John Adams and Nancy Isen berg and Andrew Burstein’s The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality.
Those of us who are troubled by the current trend in politics would do well to measure the amount of news in our reading diet and devote some of that time instead to John Adams. He is one of the lights from the past who could help us navigate our current troubles.
July 14, 2024
You can also see this review, along with others I have written, at my blog, Mr. Book's Book Reviews.
Thank you, Oxford University Press, for providing this book for review consideration in exchange for an honest review. All opinions are my own.
Mr. Book just finished Making The Presidency: John Adams And The Precedents That Forged The Republic, by Lindsay M. Chervinsky.
The book provided thorough coverage of all of the aspects of the Adams presidency. Among those key areas were Adams’ battles with his own cabinet (which he inherited from Washington and chose not to change when he took office), his foreign policy, domestic problems such as the Fries’s Rebellion, the Alien and Sedition Acts, his battles with numerous political opponents, averting war with France at the end of his term and the 1800 election.
If I had to choose a favorite part of the book it would be the 1800 election, but otherwise, no particular part stood out above the rest. The author was consistent throughout the book in her equal handed treatment of the events and personalities involved and the book was very detailed.
I give this book an A. Goodreads requires grades on a 1-5 star system. In my personal conversion system, an A equates to 5 stars. (A or A+: 5 stars, B+: 4 stars, B: 3 stars, C: 2 stars, D or F: 1 star).
I had previously read this author’s The Cabinet: George Washington And The Creation Of An Institution in November 2020 and gave it a B+.
This review has been posted at Goodreads and my blog, Mr. Book’s Book Reviews
Mr. Book originally finished reading this on July 14, 2024.
Thank you, Oxford University Press, for providing this book for review consideration in exchange for an honest review. All opinions are my own.
Mr. Book just finished Making The Presidency: John Adams And The Precedents That Forged The Republic, by Lindsay M. Chervinsky.
The book provided thorough coverage of all of the aspects of the Adams presidency. Among those key areas were Adams’ battles with his own cabinet (which he inherited from Washington and chose not to change when he took office), his foreign policy, domestic problems such as the Fries’s Rebellion, the Alien and Sedition Acts, his battles with numerous political opponents, averting war with France at the end of his term and the 1800 election.
If I had to choose a favorite part of the book it would be the 1800 election, but otherwise, no particular part stood out above the rest. The author was consistent throughout the book in her equal handed treatment of the events and personalities involved and the book was very detailed.
I give this book an A. Goodreads requires grades on a 1-5 star system. In my personal conversion system, an A equates to 5 stars. (A or A+: 5 stars, B+: 4 stars, B: 3 stars, C: 2 stars, D or F: 1 star).
I had previously read this author’s The Cabinet: George Washington And The Creation Of An Institution in November 2020 and gave it a B+.
This review has been posted at Goodreads and my blog, Mr. Book’s Book Reviews
Mr. Book originally finished reading this on July 14, 2024.
September 8, 2024
I received as an ARC. This book is a historical and accurate account of John Quincy Adams contribution to America. No, he's not the gentleman who might be subject of a musical HOWEVER this humanitarian study and recount of Early American politics has contemporary threads.
Anti-Slavery Advocate: While Adams was not a vocal abolitionist early in his career, he later became a strong opponent of slavery.
Details of note that most who took US History in college might forget:
Adams defended the Amistad captives, a group of enslaved Africans who revolted against their captors, and opposed the expansion of slavery into northern territories.
Adams was an amazing writer and diarist, leaving behind a vast collection of historical documents. His letters provide valuable insights into the early years of the United States and his own personal reflections. The author summarizes the more than 1000 letters to Abigail his wife, which are respectful and loving.
Despite his long career in public service and perhaps the orchestrator of American politics, Adams was often seen as a political outsider. His legal mind, intellectualism and independent heart sometimes set him as the opposition from his own cabinet and surely Hamilton's ire.
Most interesting is the rocks our country was hewn from and the people who sacrificed for our current Republic. Thank you Lindsay for a beautiful, articulate, and live action movie of a man I had not heard the whole story in those old books. Highly recommend as important today. You will be out helping your local Senator Elect as I am door knocking.
Anti-Slavery Advocate: While Adams was not a vocal abolitionist early in his career, he later became a strong opponent of slavery.
Details of note that most who took US History in college might forget:
Adams defended the Amistad captives, a group of enslaved Africans who revolted against their captors, and opposed the expansion of slavery into northern territories.
Adams was an amazing writer and diarist, leaving behind a vast collection of historical documents. His letters provide valuable insights into the early years of the United States and his own personal reflections. The author summarizes the more than 1000 letters to Abigail his wife, which are respectful and loving.
Despite his long career in public service and perhaps the orchestrator of American politics, Adams was often seen as a political outsider. His legal mind, intellectualism and independent heart sometimes set him as the opposition from his own cabinet and surely Hamilton's ire.
Most interesting is the rocks our country was hewn from and the people who sacrificed for our current Republic. Thank you Lindsay for a beautiful, articulate, and live action movie of a man I had not heard the whole story in those old books. Highly recommend as important today. You will be out helping your local Senator Elect as I am door knocking.
September 1, 2024
John Adams is one of those names everyone knows but no one really remembers for anything specific. In Making the Presidency Linda Chervinsky eloquently narrates Adams' single term in office beginning with George Washington's retirement through Jefferson's inauguration.
While Washington was universally respected, Adams however had constantly fight for control of his own foreign policy with his others in his own party, the Federalists, including his own Secretary of State Thomas Pickering. Adams' time in office was dominated by what has come to be known as the Quasi-war with France. Adams sought peace with France while others such as Alexander Hamilton advocated for a increase in the army in preparation for war.
Adams set several precedents such as being the first President to call a special session of Congress, the first to fire a Cabinet officer, established the primacy of the President in foreign policy, successfully accepted the office in a peaceful transfer of power and four years later oversaw the peaceful transition of power to the opposition party and established the fact that the President has no role in deciding disputed elections when it goes to the Congress to decide.
Chervinsky expertly guides the reader through all these in a way that is highly readable. I highly recommend this to all interested in John Adams, the American Presidency and American history.
While Washington was universally respected, Adams however had constantly fight for control of his own foreign policy with his others in his own party, the Federalists, including his own Secretary of State Thomas Pickering. Adams' time in office was dominated by what has come to be known as the Quasi-war with France. Adams sought peace with France while others such as Alexander Hamilton advocated for a increase in the army in preparation for war.
Adams set several precedents such as being the first President to call a special session of Congress, the first to fire a Cabinet officer, established the primacy of the President in foreign policy, successfully accepted the office in a peaceful transfer of power and four years later oversaw the peaceful transition of power to the opposition party and established the fact that the President has no role in deciding disputed elections when it goes to the Congress to decide.
Chervinsky expertly guides the reader through all these in a way that is highly readable. I highly recommend this to all interested in John Adams, the American Presidency and American history.
September 26, 2024
There is no shortage of biographies about John Adams. This even author Lindsay M. Chervinsky points out towards the end of her latest book, Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents that Forged the Republic. However, what Chervinsky argues is that unlike these other books, this one will firstly, focus almost exclusively on the four years Adams served as the nation’s second president, and secondly, that this was not, in fact, a low point in the lengthy political career of Adams. Here, we get a detailed look at the Adams presidency, the unprecedented challenges he faced, and what Adams accomplished that redefined the country for decades and centuries to come. This is an exceptionally researched read, never dull or interesting, and with some events such as the XYZ Affair painted in such a vivid way you yourself as a reader begin to feel anxious for Adams as you wait for more information to arrive from across the Atlantic. The difficult tasks presented to Adams are deconstructed very well here, though I found the inner personality of Adams himself often missing or glossed over here. We don’t necessarily see a new picture of Adams the man, more of a new reassessment of his work. Making the Presidency is a quick, effective, and informative read bursting with detail on the Adams presidential years and is well worth the read to learn more about pretty remarkable and under appreciated accomplishments Adams enshrined into our nation’s fabric.
September 20, 2024
Lindsay Chervinsky’s Making the Presidency follows David McCullock’s towering John Adams in revisiting the impact of our second president. A former congressman, diplomat, vice president under George Washington few men were as qualified as Adams to ascend to the presidency. But it was a tough four years. Hamilton despised him (feelings were mutual) and undermined him at every turn. The Essex Junto of arch Federalists split the party. His cabinet was disloyal and his vice president, Thomas Jefferson, was the head of the opposition Republicans who angled to upset him in the tumultuous election of 1800. Meanwhile a strong war faction sought a declaration of war against France, something Adams courageously and successfully avoided with the Treaty of Mortefontaine but which came too late to turn the political tide. His tenure was clouded by the Alien and Sedition Acts but Adams did pardon major figures convicted under those laws. He could be moody and irascible, thin-skinned and pompous. But he was faithful to his oath of office, eschewed extreme partisanship and a man of integrity and political courage. He died on July 4, 1826 hours before his rival Jefferson.
January 1, 2025
Chervinsky takes a deep -- and sympathetic -- dive into the Adams presidency and troubled times. It's an overdue re-assessment, showing someone struggling to figure out how to follow Washington and make decisions good for the country in both present and future. It's also eye-opening.
He's usually depicted as not up to the job; Chervinsky explores the obstacles he faced and argues that his decisions and policies had a lasting impact. Among the obstacles: A lack of guidance from Washington, whose presence overshadowed most of his term; his decision to keep most of Washington's 2nd term cabinet, whose members conspired to push their own agendas; the growing opposition of Jefferson and the emergence of political parties; serious splits within his own party; foreign pressures on American trade and sovereignty. On his side: self-knowledge that allowed him to put aside first drafts of angry missives and his wife, Abigail Adams.
In detailing the rising enmity between parties, the polarized rhetoric, and the threat of domestic political violence, Chervinsky draws a heavily dotted line to our own time.
I listened to the book. It's read by the author.
He's usually depicted as not up to the job; Chervinsky explores the obstacles he faced and argues that his decisions and policies had a lasting impact. Among the obstacles: A lack of guidance from Washington, whose presence overshadowed most of his term; his decision to keep most of Washington's 2nd term cabinet, whose members conspired to push their own agendas; the growing opposition of Jefferson and the emergence of political parties; serious splits within his own party; foreign pressures on American trade and sovereignty. On his side: self-knowledge that allowed him to put aside first drafts of angry missives and his wife, Abigail Adams.
In detailing the rising enmity between parties, the polarized rhetoric, and the threat of domestic political violence, Chervinsky draws a heavily dotted line to our own time.
I listened to the book. It's read by the author.
March 25, 2025
If you love history and you care about democracy than this is a book for you.
Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic is a history of the Adams presidency (the part too often neglected in his biographies). It is also a history of how the presidency became the presidency, how Adams followed Washington, and how he maintained precedents and set a few of his own, and why they matter (the peaceful transfer of power, etc...).
Chervinksy loves history, cares about the subject matter, and gives this period of our history a fresh new study at at time when our norms and democratic principles seem now so fragile and so vital.
This is a book for anyone interested in the history of the early republic, for those who care about the country and our institutions (and interested in the beginning and how they were developed). The book is full of tumult and uncertainty, of partisan politics and political intrigue - of so many of the debates that are still with us today. Adams didn't get everything right. He made key mistakes. But he guided the country through that moment. And there are lessons to be learned. Welcome to the Adams Administration.
Making the Presidency: John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic is a history of the Adams presidency (the part too often neglected in his biographies). It is also a history of how the presidency became the presidency, how Adams followed Washington, and how he maintained precedents and set a few of his own, and why they matter (the peaceful transfer of power, etc...).
Chervinksy loves history, cares about the subject matter, and gives this period of our history a fresh new study at at time when our norms and democratic principles seem now so fragile and so vital.
This is a book for anyone interested in the history of the early republic, for those who care about the country and our institutions (and interested in the beginning and how they were developed). The book is full of tumult and uncertainty, of partisan politics and political intrigue - of so many of the debates that are still with us today. Adams didn't get everything right. He made key mistakes. But he guided the country through that moment. And there are lessons to be learned. Welcome to the Adams Administration.
February 6, 2025
Lindsay Chervinsky's book, as the title implies, focuses on the presidency of the second President of the United States. We do not read about civilized politics, but a lot of cutthroat politics. There were some people, in fact, who undermined Adams such as Thomas Jefferson and of course Alexander Hamilton. It is amazing how the political landscape has not changed. I have met people who stated that they wished we were like the Founding Fathers because they worked together and no mudslinging, which was not true at all. You will see it in this book.
I appreciate Lindsay Chervinsky's research, work, and writing this book. I did learn new things about John Adams that I had not known before. Sometimes I did not find Making the Presidency that interesting. Her style at times was like reading a textbook. There were times I was enthralled and could not put the book down and other times I was able to put the book down with ease because I did not find certain parts engaging. It is still worth reading. It is not by any means a terrible book.
I appreciate Lindsay Chervinsky's research, work, and writing this book. I did learn new things about John Adams that I had not known before. Sometimes I did not find Making the Presidency that interesting. Her style at times was like reading a textbook. There were times I was enthralled and could not put the book down and other times I was able to put the book down with ease because I did not find certain parts engaging. It is still worth reading. It is not by any means a terrible book.
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