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O Improvável Presidente do Brasil: Recordações
Em 1993, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, então ministro da Fazenda, herdou um país em frangalhos. A inflação chegava a inacreditáveis 3.000%, um presidente tinha sofrido impeachment por corrupção e começavam a circular rumores de outro golpe militar. Muitos consideravam o Brasil um país ingovernável. Mas, em uma tumultuada década como ministro da Fazenda e em seguida presidente, FHC provou que estavam errados. Assumiu a presidência de uma jovem democracia com uma economia instável e, segundo a obra, transformou o Brasil em uma nação madura e próspera. Estas memórias contam a história de sua notável liderança como presidente, de sua vida pessoal, de seus encontros com outras personalidades históricas e de seu amor da vida inteira pelo Brasil.
368 pages, Paperback
First published March 13, 2006
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About the author
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
71 books39 followersFernando Henrique Cardoso, (born June 18, 1931) - also known by his initials FHC - was the 34th President of the Federative Republic of Brazil for two terms from January 1, 1995 to January 1, 2003. He is an accomplished sociologist, professor and politician.[1] He was awarded in 2000 with the prestigious Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation.[2]
Born in Rio de Janeiro, he has lived in São Paulo most of his life. Cardoso is a widower (he was married to Ruth Vilaça Correia Leite Cardoso until her death June 24, 2008) and has four children.[3] Educated as a sociologist, he was a Professor of Political Science and Sociology at the Universidade de São Paulo.[4] He was President of the International Sociological Association (ISA), from 1982 to 1986. He is a member of the Institute for Advanced Study (Princeton),[5] an honorary foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and has penned several books. He was also Associate Director of Studies in the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris and then visiting professor at the Collège de France and later at the Paris-Nanterre University.[6] He later lectured at United States' universities including Stanford University and the University of California, Berkeley.[6] He is fluent in four languages: Portuguese, English, French and Spanish.[6]
After his presidency, he was appointed to a five-year term (2003-2008) as professor-at-large at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies, where he is now on the board of overseers. Cardoso is a founding member of the University of Southern California Center on Public Diplomacy's Advisory Board.[citation needed] In February 2005, he gave the fourth annual Kissinger Lecture on Foreign Policy and International Relations at the Library of Congress, Washington DC on "Dependency and Development in Latin America.[7] In 2005, Cardoso was selected by the British magazine Prospect as being one of the world's top one hundred living intellectuals.
From Wikipedia
Born in Rio de Janeiro, he has lived in São Paulo most of his life. Cardoso is a widower (he was married to Ruth Vilaça Correia Leite Cardoso until her death June 24, 2008) and has four children.[3] Educated as a sociologist, he was a Professor of Political Science and Sociology at the Universidade de São Paulo.[4] He was President of the International Sociological Association (ISA), from 1982 to 1986. He is a member of the Institute for Advanced Study (Princeton),[5] an honorary foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and has penned several books. He was also Associate Director of Studies in the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris and then visiting professor at the Collège de France and later at the Paris-Nanterre University.[6] He later lectured at United States' universities including Stanford University and the University of California, Berkeley.[6] He is fluent in four languages: Portuguese, English, French and Spanish.[6]
After his presidency, he was appointed to a five-year term (2003-2008) as professor-at-large at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies, where he is now on the board of overseers. Cardoso is a founding member of the University of Southern California Center on Public Diplomacy's Advisory Board.[citation needed] In February 2005, he gave the fourth annual Kissinger Lecture on Foreign Policy and International Relations at the Library of Congress, Washington DC on "Dependency and Development in Latin America.[7] In 2005, Cardoso was selected by the British magazine Prospect as being one of the world's top one hundred living intellectuals.
From Wikipedia
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 49 reviews
June 29, 2013
President Fernando Henrique Cardoso wrote a delightful book filled with history, politics and hints of sociology. All this in a light-hearted humor, charm and intelligence.
I am a huge FHC admirer; his life story and legacy are incomparable!
As a Brazilian, I am proud to say we had such a diplomatic, brilliant President who has a deep love for Brazil.
I am a huge FHC admirer; his life story and legacy are incomparable!
As a Brazilian, I am proud to say we had such a diplomatic, brilliant President who has a deep love for Brazil.
July 22, 2017
This is a wonderful history of Brazil as seen through the eyes of one sociology professor who happened to become President. Or, rather, the country is seen through the eyes of Fernando Cardoso's family, whose history has been so intertwined with their country they're hard to disentangle. His great-grandfather fell in and out of power during the reign of the reformist Portuguese Emperor Dom Pedro II, until he ended as the governor of a major western province. His grandfather was one of the three military officers to overthrow Dom Pedro in 1888 with hopes for a new rationalistic progressive order ("Order and Progress" began the new nation's motto). He then served as aide to several presidents, before supporting the young lieutenants, or tententes, who tried to overthrow the elitist order. His son, the author's father, helped carry through tententes revolt and install Getulio Vargas as president in 1930, before spending decades as a major military figure.
So Cardoso was surrounded by politics and presidents from a young age, and his eventual presidency seems much less "accidental" than he imagines. Yet he did choose the atypical path of becoming a professor. His studies of racial inequality in the 1950s electrified a nation that claimed it was a pure "racial democracy," without significant racial divides. His later blockbuster work on Latin American "Dependency and Development," put him on the center-left of the ongoing debate on economic growth, but distanced him from many Marxists economists and professors dominating Latin American governments at the time.
The 1964 military coup against the erratic president Jango upset all his quiet plans. Cardoso went on the run, to Argentina, to Chile, to France, before returning just in time for an even more brutal crackdown. As a professor, however, he continued putting out books that subtly challenged the military's dominance, and then in 1977 won a Congress seat in Sao Paulo for the official opposition party. He helped orchestrate the end of the dictatorship in 1985, and then, most importantly, became Finance Minister in 1993, where his Plano Real finally ended the 1000 percent inflation that had bedeviled the country. This catapulted him to the presidency, running, as he would again, against his longtime friend and rival, the metalworkers union leader Lula de Silva, who would eventually succeed him. As President, he instituted those reforms that are now often dismissed as neoliberal. He controlled the budget deficit, kept inflation down, sold off state properties, and opened up trade. These reforms worked so well that even Lula came to embrace them.
Brazil has since retreated from the policies Cardoso enacted, and it is suffering the consequences. This book, however, helps one remember how hard won his victories were, and how fortunate the country was to have a sensible, pragmatic president for 8 years.
So Cardoso was surrounded by politics and presidents from a young age, and his eventual presidency seems much less "accidental" than he imagines. Yet he did choose the atypical path of becoming a professor. His studies of racial inequality in the 1950s electrified a nation that claimed it was a pure "racial democracy," without significant racial divides. His later blockbuster work on Latin American "Dependency and Development," put him on the center-left of the ongoing debate on economic growth, but distanced him from many Marxists economists and professors dominating Latin American governments at the time.
The 1964 military coup against the erratic president Jango upset all his quiet plans. Cardoso went on the run, to Argentina, to Chile, to France, before returning just in time for an even more brutal crackdown. As a professor, however, he continued putting out books that subtly challenged the military's dominance, and then in 1977 won a Congress seat in Sao Paulo for the official opposition party. He helped orchestrate the end of the dictatorship in 1985, and then, most importantly, became Finance Minister in 1993, where his Plano Real finally ended the 1000 percent inflation that had bedeviled the country. This catapulted him to the presidency, running, as he would again, against his longtime friend and rival, the metalworkers union leader Lula de Silva, who would eventually succeed him. As President, he instituted those reforms that are now often dismissed as neoliberal. He controlled the budget deficit, kept inflation down, sold off state properties, and opened up trade. These reforms worked so well that even Lula came to embrace them.
Brazil has since retreated from the policies Cardoso enacted, and it is suffering the consequences. This book, however, helps one remember how hard won his victories were, and how fortunate the country was to have a sensible, pragmatic president for 8 years.
February 23, 2017
Particularmente não gosto de estudar história do Brasil, mas esse livro permite uma visão mais pessoal do FHC sobre os acontecimentos dos últimos 50 anos mais ou menos.
Não é lá um Thriller eletrizante, mas é bem interessante em alguns aspectos e é legal entender a dinâmica da política e como isso mudou de uns anos pra cá.
O ponto que mais me interessava no início era o tempo de ministro da economia e o desafio da inflação incontrolável.
Acho que o livro se paga bem nesse aspecto, explicando as principais ações de forma simples e explicando o contexto nacional da época.
Achei que valeu a pena e me motivou pra ler a biografia de outros presidentes como Lula, Dilma, Clinton e outros.
Não é lá um Thriller eletrizante, mas é bem interessante em alguns aspectos e é legal entender a dinâmica da política e como isso mudou de uns anos pra cá.
O ponto que mais me interessava no início era o tempo de ministro da economia e o desafio da inflação incontrolável.
Acho que o livro se paga bem nesse aspecto, explicando as principais ações de forma simples e explicando o contexto nacional da época.
Achei que valeu a pena e me motivou pra ler a biografia de outros presidentes como Lula, Dilma, Clinton e outros.
January 2, 2020
Cardosa's book provides a straight forward account of the events leading to his presidency as well as a history of the socio-economic development he inherited during his presidency. It is unfortunate that more men of learning do not reach office.
I was particularly interested in his account of inflation as relates to the difficulty in implementing effective policy. While it seems obvious that inflation causes difficulty in paying back dollar denominated debt, I had not considered that it also motivates graft by making financial statements easy to manipulate and encouraging highly short dated duration mismatches. This will be one to watch as the world nations print their way out of the current economic troubles.
I am also discouraged for Brazil on the ability of Lula to successful pass the types of policies necessary to navigate the nation through a period that could put them in a fantastically positive position. Brazil did - during the time - invest in infrastructure, education and diversification of industries. They are rich in resources. Should the rest of the world inflate, Brazil - provided it is able to maintain financial and political stability, should be in a good spot.
Finally, while very little of the book was about this topic, I would remark that I was saddened by the disparity between the accounts of his relationship with Clinton vs. Bush. It is a sad anecdotal of G. W. Bush's diplomacy acumen, e.g. to make such a poor impression to a nation that has - for the most part - been an ally to the US.
I was particularly interested in his account of inflation as relates to the difficulty in implementing effective policy. While it seems obvious that inflation causes difficulty in paying back dollar denominated debt, I had not considered that it also motivates graft by making financial statements easy to manipulate and encouraging highly short dated duration mismatches. This will be one to watch as the world nations print their way out of the current economic troubles.
I am also discouraged for Brazil on the ability of Lula to successful pass the types of policies necessary to navigate the nation through a period that could put them in a fantastically positive position. Brazil did - during the time - invest in infrastructure, education and diversification of industries. They are rich in resources. Should the rest of the world inflate, Brazil - provided it is able to maintain financial and political stability, should be in a good spot.
Finally, while very little of the book was about this topic, I would remark that I was saddened by the disparity between the accounts of his relationship with Clinton vs. Bush. It is a sad anecdotal of G. W. Bush's diplomacy acumen, e.g. to make such a poor impression to a nation that has - for the most part - been an ally to the US.
July 29, 2009
Hard to be objective when you're a former politician painting the story of your legacy. But Cardoso did some pretty dope stuff. He was a sociologist by training and approached the presidency from a sociological point of view. Stabilized the currency. He was in favor of legalizing drugs. Interesting guy. Would love to hear the other side of this story too.
January 25, 2014
This book was originally written in English and it has been recently translated into Portuguese. Every Brazilian citizen should read this book in order to better know the best president Brazil has ever had.
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October 31, 2011More than Accidental. It was tragical. A huge disaster.
May 17, 2019
Cardoso rightly calls this book a memoir rather than an autobiography because it emphasizes only the author's political career. But Cardoso's political remembrance also serves as a fine introduction to the history of Brazil, stretching back through his privileged family to the nineteenth century. Although obviously intended for the educated North American reader, the work wisely assumes little specific knowledge of a country as large as the United States but one still struggling to outgrow its top-to-bottom heritage of economic and political irresponsibility.
Cardoso remains a left-of-center sociologist, though one has the feeling that his earlier radicalism has been softened in the telling, but his current political stance is “Clintonesque” and pragmatic. (Cardoso's personal admiration for Bill Clinton is open and fervent, and Clinton contributed the preface.)
The book's idiomatic English makes the book eminently readable, and credit for this readability should be given to Cardoso's co-author, the young journalist Brian Winter. Indeed, Winter presumably wrote the first draft of the book after interviewing Cardoso and reading the Portuguese manuscript history of his presidency, thus leaving Cardoso (as the former president modestly admits in the acknowledgments) more of an editor than an author.
Though all political memoirs tend to be studies in reputation burnishing, one leaves the book with a sense that Cardoso was truly a self-effacing public servant, regardless of what one thinks of the specific political and economic policies he promoted while in office.
Cardoso remains a left-of-center sociologist, though one has the feeling that his earlier radicalism has been softened in the telling, but his current political stance is “Clintonesque” and pragmatic. (Cardoso's personal admiration for Bill Clinton is open and fervent, and Clinton contributed the preface.)
The book's idiomatic English makes the book eminently readable, and credit for this readability should be given to Cardoso's co-author, the young journalist Brian Winter. Indeed, Winter presumably wrote the first draft of the book after interviewing Cardoso and reading the Portuguese manuscript history of his presidency, thus leaving Cardoso (as the former president modestly admits in the acknowledgments) more of an editor than an author.
Though all political memoirs tend to be studies in reputation burnishing, one leaves the book with a sense that Cardoso was truly a self-effacing public servant, regardless of what one thinks of the specific political and economic policies he promoted while in office.
April 20, 2018
This is a truly excellent book. Extremely informative and readable. Indeed much of it reads like a cliffhanger as we follow Cardoso into exile, through his opposition to the military regime, into the finance ministry during the hyperinflation, and into the presidency during the cascading Emerging market crises that led to the eventual devaluation of the Real he worked to hard to establish (though this did not lead to a default as it did in neighboring Argentina.) Additionally, the reader will come away with a general understanding of the history of Brazilian politics in the 20th and the 21st centuries with some understanding its roots in the 19th. It is a truly excellent work, I read it in five days.
November 25, 2017
President, intellectual, entertaining writer
Many people consider FHC the best president Brazil ever had. I agree.
He is a respected intellectual, author of numerous publications, and this book shows that he is also and entertaining writer.
With the power of his intellect, he predicted in this 2006 book that: "The foundation for a richer, more prosperous country - and perhaps, one day, a world power - seems to be firmly in place ". With our naked eyes at the present, we have reason to be less optimistic. Should his prophecy be fulfilled, it will not be without big bounces back and forth.
Many people consider FHC the best president Brazil ever had. I agree.
He is a respected intellectual, author of numerous publications, and this book shows that he is also and entertaining writer.
With the power of his intellect, he predicted in this 2006 book that: "The foundation for a richer, more prosperous country - and perhaps, one day, a world power - seems to be firmly in place ". With our naked eyes at the present, we have reason to be less optimistic. Should his prophecy be fulfilled, it will not be without big bounces back and forth.
October 30, 2021
Cardoso, an erudite academic and member of Brazil's elite, has a deep and descriptive story to tell, not only of himself, but of his country's tumultuous 20th century history. As a politician, he has treated himself very kindly and perhaps sought to leave out any unpleasant truths about himself. That said, Cardoso was perhaps the greatest president of Brazil since the 1960s, and his understanding of his country is enlightening.
September 22, 2024
Incredible book! Very well written, it goes through many years of history very smoothly. At times, it feels as though the screenwriter of life has exaggerated on the crossovers: FHC has interacted with an unbelievable amount of important historical figures. Mandela, Fidel Castro, Clinton, princess Diana, Pablo Neruda, Lula—just to name a few. However, as an economist, I was a little disappointed because the book does not go very deep into the development of the Plano Real.
February 27, 2019
Fantastic book (co)written by Brian Winter. This was exactly the book I was looking for. An interesting introduction to the history, politics, and culture of Brazil through the lens of Cardoso's family and political life. Regardless of whether one agrees with Cardoso's political philosophy or policies, I highly recommend this book to learn more about Brazil.
May 15, 2023
O livro é envolvente e permite entender um pouco mais do Brasil. O livro não foi escrito em português inicialmente, mas em inglês, tendo sido traduzido posteriormente. Traz a história de um personagem que mudou a cara do Brasil queira os opositores ou não, mas sem sem demagogo e político, inclusive apresenta os próprios erros que cometeu.
August 5, 2024
The first two-thirds are great. Interesting backstory on his personal life as he tells the story of Brazil. He sorta glosses over his deep connections to power and politics from birth and leans too heavily into the “accidental” fall into politics to the point where it is unconvincing and requires a grain of salt.
May 27, 2017
A very good history lesson and insight into Brasilian politics. It made me understand the culture of corruption and racial division.
May 29, 2017
Very interesting perspective on the history of politics in Brazil.
December 1, 2019
The amazing inside story of a defender of democracy in the world created by the Cold War.
March 31, 2020
Delicious and light reading, very well written book with stories that speak a lot about Brazil and the author, with very precise observations and insights. Worth it.
January 30, 2023
Impecable. Se aprende un montón de la historia de Brasil. Es un libro sumamente inspirador y un gran ejemplo de liderazgo.
July 15, 2024
Esses livros escritos por presidentes são sempre muito interessantes e intimistas. Era bem o que eu esperava.
November 16, 2024
Exactly as advertised. Cardoso is a humble enough figure and doesn’t taint the tale with ego.
October 5, 2007
This breezy political autobiography is a nice introduction to recent Brazilian history, if you can stomach FHC’s false humility. It forms a nice addition to A Death in Brazil by Peter Robb, which examines closely the corruption of the Collor presidency.
Cardoso gives a useful view of modern Brazil. The Prestes Column and the revolt of São Paulo in 1932 are given as examples of how tenuous the rule of the federal government of Brazil was. And the inability of Brazil to effect normal changes of government in the 50s and early 60s was given as a profoundly Brazilian weakness. This has been something I believed ever since the first Angolan elections after the end of the civil war there. It’s not the first democratically elected president of a country that matters, but the second or third. It’s when transition doesn’t cause a crisis that democracy can be said to be sustainable. He also talks about how decisions made by Portugal in the 16th century (offering enormous land grants to settlers) have fed into the endemic inequality of today. This kind of commonsense observation helps one make sense of Brazilian history.
After the military finally gave up power in Brazil, they essentially handed power over to Tancredo Neves. Neves, however, died before he could take office. Neves was a fairly independent politician who was acceptable to the pro-democracy forces. The military had forced them to accept José Sarney as his running mate. Sarney was seen as the military’s man. So in 1985, Sarney became the first non-military president of Brazil since the early 60s. The military had left Brazil in sorry shape, suffering from hyper-inflation and many other ills. Sarney failed to improve the situation—indeed, the inflation just got worse. Out of fear of Lula, the left-wing candidate, Brazil elected Collor in 1989. His pathetic story is told in gruesome detail in Robb’s book. Not only did Collor not solve Brazil’s inflation problem, he stole millions if not billions.
Meanwhile, Cardoso was slowly progressing politically. He is at pains to claim he had no political ambition, but he was clearly destined for politics from an early age—his father and grandfather were politically active—and when he was forced into exile by the military regime, he was instantly politicized. So even though he was a practicing sociologist, he was always involved in the struggles to reassert democracy—and that meant being in politics.
He was a senator when Collor’s successor (and vice president) Itamar Franco hired him to be foreign minister. After three failed finance ministers, Franco brought in Cardoso. At this point, Cardoso accomplished one of the great economic/political feats in modern history—he introduced a new currency (a common occurrence in Brazil) and tamed inflation.
Now the most unbelievable part of the book is when he says he ran for president because he was afraid Lula would win. Lula was still too radical to win. Cardoso rightly thought Lula’s ideas were backwards, especially as command economies were collapsing all around the world.
So Cardoso ran and won, twice, both times against Lula. He had already done his heroic thing. He says, “My presidency was, at its most basic level, about trying to turn Brazil into a stable country.” That’s what he accomplished during his presidency. His biggest crises were the worldwide debt crisis in the late 90s and AIDS, and he acquitted himself pretty well. And after he was term-limited out, an older, mellower Lula finally won (his fourth try). And Lula has been a more-or-less steady leader, fiscally reasonable, and a counterweight to the semi-radicals elected in Venezuela and elsewhere.
Cardoso is charming, and this book worth reading. Perhaps it’s too much to ask for more detail, more economics, more nitty-gritty politics, more detail. But still I wish it had them.
Cardoso gives a useful view of modern Brazil. The Prestes Column and the revolt of São Paulo in 1932 are given as examples of how tenuous the rule of the federal government of Brazil was. And the inability of Brazil to effect normal changes of government in the 50s and early 60s was given as a profoundly Brazilian weakness. This has been something I believed ever since the first Angolan elections after the end of the civil war there. It’s not the first democratically elected president of a country that matters, but the second or third. It’s when transition doesn’t cause a crisis that democracy can be said to be sustainable. He also talks about how decisions made by Portugal in the 16th century (offering enormous land grants to settlers) have fed into the endemic inequality of today. This kind of commonsense observation helps one make sense of Brazilian history.
After the military finally gave up power in Brazil, they essentially handed power over to Tancredo Neves. Neves, however, died before he could take office. Neves was a fairly independent politician who was acceptable to the pro-democracy forces. The military had forced them to accept José Sarney as his running mate. Sarney was seen as the military’s man. So in 1985, Sarney became the first non-military president of Brazil since the early 60s. The military had left Brazil in sorry shape, suffering from hyper-inflation and many other ills. Sarney failed to improve the situation—indeed, the inflation just got worse. Out of fear of Lula, the left-wing candidate, Brazil elected Collor in 1989. His pathetic story is told in gruesome detail in Robb’s book. Not only did Collor not solve Brazil’s inflation problem, he stole millions if not billions.
Meanwhile, Cardoso was slowly progressing politically. He is at pains to claim he had no political ambition, but he was clearly destined for politics from an early age—his father and grandfather were politically active—and when he was forced into exile by the military regime, he was instantly politicized. So even though he was a practicing sociologist, he was always involved in the struggles to reassert democracy—and that meant being in politics.
He was a senator when Collor’s successor (and vice president) Itamar Franco hired him to be foreign minister. After three failed finance ministers, Franco brought in Cardoso. At this point, Cardoso accomplished one of the great economic/political feats in modern history—he introduced a new currency (a common occurrence in Brazil) and tamed inflation.
Now the most unbelievable part of the book is when he says he ran for president because he was afraid Lula would win. Lula was still too radical to win. Cardoso rightly thought Lula’s ideas were backwards, especially as command economies were collapsing all around the world.
So Cardoso ran and won, twice, both times against Lula. He had already done his heroic thing. He says, “My presidency was, at its most basic level, about trying to turn Brazil into a stable country.” That’s what he accomplished during his presidency. His biggest crises were the worldwide debt crisis in the late 90s and AIDS, and he acquitted himself pretty well. And after he was term-limited out, an older, mellower Lula finally won (his fourth try). And Lula has been a more-or-less steady leader, fiscally reasonable, and a counterweight to the semi-radicals elected in Venezuela and elsewhere.
Cardoso is charming, and this book worth reading. Perhaps it’s too much to ask for more detail, more economics, more nitty-gritty politics, more detail. But still I wish it had them.
January 7, 2019
As a brazilian middle-class child born in 1988, most of Brazil's history i didn't know. All I knew was what i learned in history classes in school (which i never payed much attention) and what my parents told me. They lived at the bad times in Brazil, such as military regime, so everything i basicly knew was what i learned from them.
There was much I knew it happened, but didn't really understand why or how, or the issues the country had and why it got at that point, how it was a problem to the country, in which sense and how it harmed the people. Now i got the answers.
This book made me fall so in love with my country's history. And made me admire even more one of our most brilliant Presidents: Fernando Henrique Cardoso. With a brief history of ours previous presidents, since Dom Pedro II, Janio Quadros, João Goulart, Military regime and the most recent presidents - until his own government - I was delighted reading every chapter, hungry for more and more history, for the first time i was really enjoying a history leasson and feeling really proud for being Brazilian. I got emocional reading about his meeting with José Serra in Chile and how he almost was killed during the Pinochet coup and how the Lula's first wife died pregnant by an awful disease. I was so impressed by how he, FHC, saved the Brazilian's economy, now finally understanding the real issue and how people suffered with the inflation problem in early 90's. It became so clear, in this book, the reason of it and why it was such a huge problem and the brilliant plan he made to overcome it, everything in such a simple and easygoing way of writing. And I believe this is his biggest legacy: a stable and strong economy, an organized and reliable country.
Now, after this reading i admire him even more, as a man, as a president, as a professor.
There was much I knew it happened, but didn't really understand why or how, or the issues the country had and why it got at that point, how it was a problem to the country, in which sense and how it harmed the people. Now i got the answers.
This book made me fall so in love with my country's history. And made me admire even more one of our most brilliant Presidents: Fernando Henrique Cardoso. With a brief history of ours previous presidents, since Dom Pedro II, Janio Quadros, João Goulart, Military regime and the most recent presidents - until his own government - I was delighted reading every chapter, hungry for more and more history, for the first time i was really enjoying a history leasson and feeling really proud for being Brazilian. I got emocional reading about his meeting with José Serra in Chile and how he almost was killed during the Pinochet coup and how the Lula's first wife died pregnant by an awful disease. I was so impressed by how he, FHC, saved the Brazilian's economy, now finally understanding the real issue and how people suffered with the inflation problem in early 90's. It became so clear, in this book, the reason of it and why it was such a huge problem and the brilliant plan he made to overcome it, everything in such a simple and easygoing way of writing. And I believe this is his biggest legacy: a stable and strong economy, an organized and reliable country.
Now, after this reading i admire him even more, as a man, as a president, as a professor.
August 20, 2012
Before reading this book, my knowledge of Cardoso was limited to (1) he had written Dependency and Development in Latin America, probably the most boring book I'd ever read (not really his fault, the book was written in academic Spanish, and the translator used cognates as much as possible, meaning that obscure Latin words show up instead of more common words); (2) he had become the Brazilian President largely because as Finance Minister he had brought Brazil's runaway inflation under control; and (3) after four years as President, Brazil amended its constitution specifically to allow Cardoso to run for re-election. Well, I also had a copy of Avança Brasil, his reelection platform.
I was surprised to learn from this book that Cardoso was a Marxist in his college days, that his college degrees are in sociology and social sciences (not economics), that he had been held by the military for a short time during one of Brazil's coups, that he became Finance Minister in spite of his best efforts to avoid the job, and that his plan to stop runaway inflation was based on what he and his team could glean from undergraduate economic textbooks in the time frame between his appointment and his confirmation.
The book is well-written, and the English used is much more readable than the English used in Dependency and Development in Latin America. The story is engaging. I was very happy with this book, and would recommend it to anyone wanting to learn about South American politics or South American economics.
I was surprised to learn from this book that Cardoso was a Marxist in his college days, that his college degrees are in sociology and social sciences (not economics), that he had been held by the military for a short time during one of Brazil's coups, that he became Finance Minister in spite of his best efforts to avoid the job, and that his plan to stop runaway inflation was based on what he and his team could glean from undergraduate economic textbooks in the time frame between his appointment and his confirmation.
The book is well-written, and the English used is much more readable than the English used in Dependency and Development in Latin America. The story is engaging. I was very happy with this book, and would recommend it to anyone wanting to learn about South American politics or South American economics.
April 28, 2015
This is a light read about a country and a topic of immense importance in our global village. Brazil is a place of colors, happy face, easygoing people, delicious foods, music and dance. But as happy and as full spirit the people, the nation's politics suffers from chronic corruption, inefficiencies and shortcomings. Cordoso speaks to the spirit of Brazil as well as to the hopes, dreams, disappointments and struggles of a nation that rightfully deserve a place among the major powers. It is a great read for someone who has no background information on Brazil. It is also a great read for those who know a thing or two about Latin America and Brazil in particular as a reminder that with good policies and courage, things can change. Brazil may not be where it should be, but Cordoso provides us with the necessary background narrative as to why. The format is almost conversational. He does not get entangled with deep analysis of his country's policies that failed and those that succeeded. As a narrator, he does a great job of walking us through the last 100 years of Brazilian history, politics and society. You can see him emerge in Brazil, first as an academic and then as a politician. It makes you read more about Brazil. It makes you fall in love with the country. It is a short book though. I would have liked to read a little more on some of the topics. I felt at times that he was going too fast and not pausing enough to help me understand or learn more about the issue he was addressing. I found him honest overall in both his successes and failures.
April 23, 2012
Seeing how the Cardoso administration is likely responsible for the phenomenal economic growth in Brazil, I was eager to read his memoir. I liked his perspective on the history of the country, and the intimacy of his relations with other world leaders. In particular, his friendship with the Clintons is heartwarming. Of Mr. Clinton he writes: He has a way of making whomever he speaks with feel like he or she is the only person in the entire universe. Cardoso's comparison of China to Brazil is poignant, as someone who survived the turbulent social change, from a largely rural to an urban society. The leader Cardoso admires most is Nelson Mandela, who embodies his country's warmth a mix of elegance and earthy spirituality. Cardoso notes how success in foreign policy is difficult to measure in the short term, however foreign direct investment provides a clue. The issue of respect is not so straightforward. With economic success, power and influence comes naturally. However, stability is key.
October 30, 2012
I started this memoir with a lot of misconceptions about former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. I primarily knew that his successor, Lula, was often portrayed as a radical Leftist by American media, and assumed that Cardoso probably right wing. However, I fond tat the memoir portrayed an intellectual, who had studied sociology his entire life, and cared as much about the poor and suffering as Lula did. I was particularly struck by his views on race. I find that when I talk to Brazilians, or visit the country, that they are still under the impression of the racial hegemony, which is simply not the case. I had no idea about his exile during the military regime, or the steps he took to fight against oppression. It was definitely an eye-opening account, and a reminder to not believe everything you read. I would recommend this book to anyone interested in Latin American affairs.
March 30, 2010
This was an excellent introduction to a country, Brazil, that I only know through fiction, particularly Jorge Amado's fiction (if you've never read any of his books, please do - they are wonderful!). This, of course, is non-fiction and it covers the political history of Brazil really up to the election of Lula, the current president of Brazil. It's a history of military rule, demagogues and the attempts over the years to move the country toward democracy. It is particularly, of course, about Cardoza and his family (he was the president before Lula), but the divisions in Brazil between the rich and the poor are clearly distinguished and the book is well-written.
January 13, 2013
This autobiography of past president Fernando Henrique Cardoso tells about Brazil's struggle for a democratic government. The beginning accounts of past leaders of Brazil are cumbersome, but the contemporary discussions of Brazil's original land ownership structure, African population, AIDS problem and economic structures make Brazil come more to life. Cardoso writes an engaging account of his relationship with Luis Inacio Lula da Silva and Lula's evolution as a politician. For anyone interested in Brazil today, just read the second half of the book.
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