In the popular imagination of Americans, the revolution has been reduced to a cartoon, a story dominated by the “heroes”: the colonists that rallied to the cause of independence with enthusiasm, and the brilliant and noble military genius the lead them to victory, George Washington. As far as the British have any role in this myth, they are typically portrayed, cartoonishly, as evil tyrants bent on destroying liberty. All of these assumptions, which make up the popular image of the Revolution for many Americans, are utter nonsense. O’Shaughnessy cuts through this nonsense to approach the war from a perspective that Americans rarely bother to consider, let alone appreciate.
As O’Shaughnessy shows, British policymakers were far from the corrupt, incompetent tyrants that we think them to be. Most of them were practical, sensical men that were unable to overcome the limitations that geographical and political conditions put them in. The Americans, of course, did not initially fight for independence; they fought for their rights as free Englishmen. Pro-independence sentiment came only later. And most colonists did not especially hate George III; they directed their sentiment against Parliament. Only when King George proved unable to scale back Parliament’s excesses did he become a target of American sentiment. During the early stages of the war, both American and British soldiers and political figures claimed to be fighting for the maintenance of true British monarchy. And it seems that only George III believed that resisting American demands could preserve the empire; everyone else, including the Howe brothers and many parliamentary politicians seriously doubted that the rebellion could be suppressed. The King’s hard-line approach also alienated Americans, who had previously only blamed parliament for their ills.
Thomas Jefferson blamed George III personally for the breakdown in British-colonial relations and believed from the beginning, somewhat naively, that George III was scheming to impose tyranny on America. In our popular mythology King George is often called a “tyrant” for no other reason that that he was a monarch. But in reality, George III was the weakest monarch in Europe at the time. The colonial policies that triggered revolution originated not with George III, but with his ministers, and the king frequently acted as a restraining influence on the most extreme of these policies. King George’s involvement was minimal until the Tea Party broke out. The Declaration of Independence exaggerated King George’s role in colonial grievances. He was a useful scapegoat for unpopular policies that he more often than not had little involvement in.
The weak management of prime minister Lord North resulted in a divided Cabinet of strong personalities, which inevitably resulted in feuds, indecision, and conflicting initiatives. North was indecisive, lacked a stable following, and was averse to confrontation. He was ultimately responsible for the Tea Act. The Tea Act was not a tax on tea as is commonly believed, it removed the tax on tea in order to make it cheaper and thus save the East India Company from bankruptcy. It was also designed to undercut the prices of colonial smugglers; most colonials received their tea illegally through smuggling, hence the outrage over the Tea Act.
The British government mismanaged the war not because they were tyrants, but because they were struggling to manage the most democratic government that the world had at the time. Domestic political opposition to the American war was a significant factor, as was public scrutiny by a free press. Paradoxically, George Washington was more a hero to the British press than any of the generals engaged in putting him down. And the king did not dictate policy and set strategy; he had to obtain the agreement of his cabinet and parliament.
Because of the nature of their government, the British war effort was paralyzed by partisan politics and the heated criticism of a free press. British anti-war sentiment was a powerful force. The British decision to employ Hessian “mercenaries” (they weren’t really mercenaries, they were loaned to the British by the German princes in order to keep their military active and experienced) was regarded in the colonies as proof of the British government’s “barbarity.” But in fact, the Hessians were employed by the British because the American war was so unpopular in England; few British citizens were eager to send their own troops to fix a problem they blamed on the government.
Contrary to popular belief, the British were not opponents of liberty and representative government. They saw themselves as defenders of liberty and the rule of law, and they believed the best way to safeguard those principles was to uphold the supreme authority of Parliament.
When war came, the British were completely unprepared. The national debt imposed budgetary constraints and the navy was in less than ideal shape. The British cabinet had little grasp of global strategy and no inclination for military affairs. British military commanders were hampered by contradictory instructions, a lack of strategic direction, administrative incompetence, and overlapping spheres of authority. On paper, the king was head of the army, but he did not appoint a commander-in-chief for it until 1778. Contrary to popular belief, British officers were not always better trained than their American counterparts. Ironically, the loss of the American colonies allowed the British to globalize their empire.
We often hear that Britain had the most powerful military in the world at the time of the Revolution. But in reality, Britain’s army was relatively small due to the British public’s suspicion of a large standing army. Of course, the only time we really hear that the British military was so powerful is when an American makes the common statement, “We defeated the most powerful military in the world at the time.” More likely, this myth was just one of many invented to make Americans feel good about how awesome we are. The navy in particular was in awful shape. The British navy at the time was rather small, its admirals were not household names, and it was spread thin by vast commitments, ranging from the Home Islands to the Caribbean to the Mediterranean to India to Canada. This overextension was a direct cause of Britain’s defeats in the Chesapeake to the French fleet. The entry of the Dutch and the Spanish into the war taxed the Admiralty’s resources further.
Britain’s military commanders were typically less hawkish than its politicians. Ruthless tactics and indiscriminate plundering by the likes of Banastre Tarleton were the exception rather than the norm. When Tarleton returned to Britain, he was met with disapproval.
Still, Britain’s commanders they were quite capable and courageous to the point of recklessness. The Howe brothers, General William Howe and Admiral Richard Howe, had distinguished careers and good reputations. They were both members of Parliament and were sympathetic to colonial grievances. Many members of Parliament who were in the military actually resigned their commissions in protest of the American war. Despite their talent, the operations of the Howe brothers were often hampered not by any military genius on George Washington’s part but by logistical problems that never went away. Supply shortages and logistical problems frequently prevented General Howe from following up his successes. A fractured command system did little to aid coordination. Britain was headed by a coalition government, which did much to hamper coordination.It was also under pressure to keep down the cost of the war.
The British army captured every major city during the war, but never had enough troops to occupy and police the territory it captured. In all their major defeats, the British lost only because of superior numbers on the colonists’ part. The American victory in the war was not as total, inevitable or decisive as mythologists would lead you to believe. Britain’s defeat was not total. The British still possessed Canada, the Midwest, Savannah, Charleston, Maine, and New York. And they had successfully prevented France and Spain from seizing India, Gibraltar, and its Caribbean possessions.
In all, an excellent account of the revolution that I enjoyed immensely and I’m sure anyone else would as well.