In an era when many decry the failures of federal housing programs, this book introduces us to appealing but largely forgotten alternatives that existed when federal policies were first defined in the New Deal. Led by Catherine Bauer, supporters of the modern housing initiative argued that government should emphasize non-commercial development of imaginatively designed compact neighborhoods with extensive parks and social services. The book explores the question of how Americans might have responded to this option through case studies of experimental developments in Philadelphia and New York. While defeated during the 1930s, modern housing ideas suggest a variety of design and financial strategies that could contribute to solving the housing problems of our own time.
Wonderful and insightful history about a very different era of housing policy. Lit up my mind thinking about what could’ve been, which I take to have been exactly Radford’s goal. The book is 30 years old, yet almost nothing in the sections of the book that relate this history to contemporary policy issues feel dated.
Obviously this is a niche book, but if it is in your niche it’s a must-read.
Perfect antidote to “Abundance”. A couple chapters in the middle about particular projects are a bit of a slog unless you’re an architecture nerd, but the discussions of New Deal legislation, the way different interest groups influenced the outcomes, and the legacy, are invaluable. The basic point is that things like FHA’s mortgage programs, localism, suburban sprawl, urban renewal demolitions, etc, were directly lobbied by finance capital, NOT advocates of affordable housing. Moreover, they represent a massive “invisible” government subsidy of the private housing market which serves to further sully the concept of public housing, or any government intervention in housing at all, and creates a two-tier system of housing that makes public housing inherently off putting to the middle class. “Abundance” will tell you that NIMBYism was born out of progressive movements of the 1960s and 70s. In reality, it was created by finance capital in the 1930s, and supported by the classic American distrust in government that pays no regard for the most disadvantaged citizens. Meanwhile, activists representing those disadvantaged groups have been exactly on the right side of the debate the whole time: we need to build more, with high quality, while guaranteeing access to *everyone*, and that’s possible only with a stronger and more visible involvement of the government, through active democratic participation of the residents of new projects, and through recession-proof public works programs. What we will get instead is more luxury housing that will NOT “filter” to the working class because for that to happen the supply of lower-tier housing needs to expand, which it won’t because luxury housing will be built on the same spot.