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The Presidency of Warren G. Harding
In this volume, Eugene P. Trani and David L. Wilson evaluate the presidency of Warren G. Harding by surveying scholarship on the Harding years. Harding--generally considered one of the weakest American presidents--was elected chief executive in 1920, during a time of uncertainty and frustration for many of the American people. The authors assess the critics and defenders of Harding in light of the administration's accomplishments and failures.
Both the strengths and weaknesses of the Harding administration came from the people President Harding selected for high office. Charles G. Dawes accomplished much by implementing sound budgetary practices in the federal government for the first time in history. Herbert Hoover became the dominant figure in the Harding administration, using his influence to advance both domestic and foreign policies. And Charles Evans Hughes proved to be an able, if conservative, secretary of state. Yet the accomplishments of these and other capable men tended to be short-term in nature.
Trani and Wilson describe the widespread corruption and malfeasance in the Harding administration, pointing out the Harding's erratic judgment of character caused many of his problems as president. His personal habits--philandering, playing poker, and drinking liquor during national prohibition--tainted his reputation and appeared to connect him to the activities of his associates. Tragically, Harding sought to avoid controversy, even if it meant ignoring real problems or evading justice, and thus failed to provide moral leadership for the nation.
Harding and his advisers demonstrated little understanding of the social and economic forces at work in the country and abroad. In the early 1920s, the United States continued the transition from a rural society to an urbanized and industrialized society. Rather than adjusting the government to meet the needs of all segments of an industrialized society, Harding instituted "normalcy," an attempt to maintain the values of a rural society rapidly disintegrating under the impact of social and economic change. The few real accomplishments of the Harding administration were buried under scandal. and in the end, Harding must be rated as an ineffective leader at a time when the nation would have been better served by a different, more imaginative approach to government.
Both the strengths and weaknesses of the Harding administration came from the people President Harding selected for high office. Charles G. Dawes accomplished much by implementing sound budgetary practices in the federal government for the first time in history. Herbert Hoover became the dominant figure in the Harding administration, using his influence to advance both domestic and foreign policies. And Charles Evans Hughes proved to be an able, if conservative, secretary of state. Yet the accomplishments of these and other capable men tended to be short-term in nature.
Trani and Wilson describe the widespread corruption and malfeasance in the Harding administration, pointing out the Harding's erratic judgment of character caused many of his problems as president. His personal habits--philandering, playing poker, and drinking liquor during national prohibition--tainted his reputation and appeared to connect him to the activities of his associates. Tragically, Harding sought to avoid controversy, even if it meant ignoring real problems or evading justice, and thus failed to provide moral leadership for the nation.
Harding and his advisers demonstrated little understanding of the social and economic forces at work in the country and abroad. In the early 1920s, the United States continued the transition from a rural society to an urbanized and industrialized society. Rather than adjusting the government to meet the needs of all segments of an industrialized society, Harding instituted "normalcy," an attempt to maintain the values of a rural society rapidly disintegrating under the impact of social and economic change. The few real accomplishments of the Harding administration were buried under scandal. and in the end, Harding must be rated as an ineffective leader at a time when the nation would have been better served by a different, more imaginative approach to government.
244 pages, Hardcover
First published April 1, 1977
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
April 3, 2015
In polls of historians, Warren Harding has consistently ranked last when their greatness is examined. Even those who are more favorably disposed towards his presidency never rank him out of the very bottom. While some of that is due to the major scandals of his administration, Harding himself was not a dynamic, imaginative figure. The major changes in the world due to the consequences of World War I meant that the American president needed those skills.
The old order in Europe was destroyed, new small nations were created out of the remnants of the old and the United States emerged as the economically most powerful country in the world. The colossal Russian Empire was dismembered and ruled by a revolutionary regime that openly advocated overthrowing the governments of other nations. Due to their assuming many traditional male roles during the war, women were finally granted the right to vote and other issues concerning female rights were still being debated. Japan emerged as the dominant power in Asia and their ruling class was determined to expand Japanese power as much as possible. Since the only nation standing in their way was the United States, the military forces of both countries began planning for a war between them. The end of the war saw a worldwide economic downturn and millions succumbed to a flu pandemic. Finally, the last years of the Wilson presidency saw American policy drift. Wilson’s serious health problems meant that there was a leadership vacuum at the worst possible moment.
Harding stepped into this maze of problems and he simply was not capable of understanding them, much less dealing with them. Fortunately for the country and the world, he chose some very capable cabinet members and left them alone. Unfortunately, he also selected some really bad cabinet members and also left them alone. On the positive side, he chose Charles Hughes as secretary of state, Henry Wallace as secretary of agriculture and Herbert Hoover as secretary of commerce. As Trani so aptly points out, the position of the American secretary of commerce had changed dramatically due to the war. After the war, the only nation that could provide the funds for rebuilding the European economies and the food to feed the people was the United States. Trani spends a great deal of time describing how effective Hoover ways in transitioning the United States into the major global economic power.
The expanded U. S. involvement in world events meant that the secretary of state was more active than ever. While the main point of American domestic political contention was whether the U. S. should join the League of Nations, many other things were taking place. Two of the eight chapters are devoted to foreign policy, very little of which deals with the question of league membership. One chapter is devoted to the ending of the war in Europe and the early indications of the eventual conflict between the United States and Japan. The other deals largely with U. S. relations with Latin America. After decades of military interventions, the United States was beginning the ”Good Neighbor” policy of non-intervention.
The negative side of Harding’s cabinet appointments was significant. Attorney General Daugherty was indicted, although acquitted at trial and three officials of the Harding administration served time in jail. Harding was sexually active outside his marriage and did not feel bound to adhere to the laws against alcohol. Nearly all of the scandals were revealed after his death, so he personally did not have to face them. Herbert Hoover deserves credit for giving Harding advice that all politicians should heed. He told Harding that when faced with the possibility of scandal, “reveal it, at least you will be praised for your integrity.”
This book does very little to raise the stature of Warren Harding as a president. That task is impossible, as it would force the author to commit historical turpitude. It describes Harding as he was. He was without vision, unable to take a stand on any issue and almost certainly the weakest personality ever to occupy the presidency.
This review also appears on Amazon
The old order in Europe was destroyed, new small nations were created out of the remnants of the old and the United States emerged as the economically most powerful country in the world. The colossal Russian Empire was dismembered and ruled by a revolutionary regime that openly advocated overthrowing the governments of other nations. Due to their assuming many traditional male roles during the war, women were finally granted the right to vote and other issues concerning female rights were still being debated. Japan emerged as the dominant power in Asia and their ruling class was determined to expand Japanese power as much as possible. Since the only nation standing in their way was the United States, the military forces of both countries began planning for a war between them. The end of the war saw a worldwide economic downturn and millions succumbed to a flu pandemic. Finally, the last years of the Wilson presidency saw American policy drift. Wilson’s serious health problems meant that there was a leadership vacuum at the worst possible moment.
Harding stepped into this maze of problems and he simply was not capable of understanding them, much less dealing with them. Fortunately for the country and the world, he chose some very capable cabinet members and left them alone. Unfortunately, he also selected some really bad cabinet members and also left them alone. On the positive side, he chose Charles Hughes as secretary of state, Henry Wallace as secretary of agriculture and Herbert Hoover as secretary of commerce. As Trani so aptly points out, the position of the American secretary of commerce had changed dramatically due to the war. After the war, the only nation that could provide the funds for rebuilding the European economies and the food to feed the people was the United States. Trani spends a great deal of time describing how effective Hoover ways in transitioning the United States into the major global economic power.
The expanded U. S. involvement in world events meant that the secretary of state was more active than ever. While the main point of American domestic political contention was whether the U. S. should join the League of Nations, many other things were taking place. Two of the eight chapters are devoted to foreign policy, very little of which deals with the question of league membership. One chapter is devoted to the ending of the war in Europe and the early indications of the eventual conflict between the United States and Japan. The other deals largely with U. S. relations with Latin America. After decades of military interventions, the United States was beginning the ”Good Neighbor” policy of non-intervention.
The negative side of Harding’s cabinet appointments was significant. Attorney General Daugherty was indicted, although acquitted at trial and three officials of the Harding administration served time in jail. Harding was sexually active outside his marriage and did not feel bound to adhere to the laws against alcohol. Nearly all of the scandals were revealed after his death, so he personally did not have to face them. Herbert Hoover deserves credit for giving Harding advice that all politicians should heed. He told Harding that when faced with the possibility of scandal, “reveal it, at least you will be praised for your integrity.”
This book does very little to raise the stature of Warren Harding as a president. That task is impossible, as it would force the author to commit historical turpitude. It describes Harding as he was. He was without vision, unable to take a stand on any issue and almost certainly the weakest personality ever to occupy the presidency.
This review also appears on Amazon
September 27, 2013
A very disappointing iteration of the usually stellar "American Presidency" series.
The book seems confused about whether to defend Harding against his detractors or to uphold his honor, but generally tries to argue, against a wealth of its own evidence, that he was a largely "inactive" President. In fact, the book shows that from his first address to Congress, in April 1921, Harding pushed for a variety of government activities. He argued for an expansion of the federal highway system, supported subsidies to steamships to increase the merchant marine, and demanded lower freight costs for railroad shippers (transportation was a big concern of his). He also demanded a sharp reduction in taxes and the creation of the budget bureau in the Executive Branch, as well as the first Veterans Bureau. He got almost everything he asked for in the one Congress he lived through (except the ship subsidy bill, which he fought for vigorously, even calling a special session of the lameduck Congress in November 1922).Internationally, his Secretary of State Charles Evan Hughes negotiated the important Five Power Treaty in 1922, limiting the battleships that could be built by the U.S., Britain, Japan, Italy, and France (the famous 5-5-3-1.5-1.5 ratio), and started withdrawing U.S. troops from many of the South American occupations started in Wilson's term, like Haiti, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic. All and all one would have to say it was a largely successful administration.
As to the scandals that emerged in late 1923, after Harding's death, the book shows, like most, that he was not personally involved, but he almost certainly knew about some of them and tried to hide them. He allowed his first appointment to the Veterans Bureau, Charles R. Forbes, to escape to Europe after he had padded many hospital contracts and kept the difference. Jesse Smith's, in the Justice Department, sales from U.S. warehouses containing liquor (during prohibition) caused Harding only to push him out of Washington before the scandal broke. Overall, however, his administration's criminal record was not as bad as some later presidencies. He also probably had no knowledge of the Teapot Dome scandal and the leases of oil from those reserves which later tarnished his reputation, and most of his appointments, Hughes, Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, Chief Justice Howard Taft to the Supreme Court, were far above par.
No one would put Harding in the top ranks of Presidents, but this book shows, despite much confused editorializing, that the image of a corrupt, do-nothing, doddert, is at best misplaced.
The book seems confused about whether to defend Harding against his detractors or to uphold his honor, but generally tries to argue, against a wealth of its own evidence, that he was a largely "inactive" President. In fact, the book shows that from his first address to Congress, in April 1921, Harding pushed for a variety of government activities. He argued for an expansion of the federal highway system, supported subsidies to steamships to increase the merchant marine, and demanded lower freight costs for railroad shippers (transportation was a big concern of his). He also demanded a sharp reduction in taxes and the creation of the budget bureau in the Executive Branch, as well as the first Veterans Bureau. He got almost everything he asked for in the one Congress he lived through (except the ship subsidy bill, which he fought for vigorously, even calling a special session of the lameduck Congress in November 1922).Internationally, his Secretary of State Charles Evan Hughes negotiated the important Five Power Treaty in 1922, limiting the battleships that could be built by the U.S., Britain, Japan, Italy, and France (the famous 5-5-3-1.5-1.5 ratio), and started withdrawing U.S. troops from many of the South American occupations started in Wilson's term, like Haiti, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic. All and all one would have to say it was a largely successful administration.
As to the scandals that emerged in late 1923, after Harding's death, the book shows, like most, that he was not personally involved, but he almost certainly knew about some of them and tried to hide them. He allowed his first appointment to the Veterans Bureau, Charles R. Forbes, to escape to Europe after he had padded many hospital contracts and kept the difference. Jesse Smith's, in the Justice Department, sales from U.S. warehouses containing liquor (during prohibition) caused Harding only to push him out of Washington before the scandal broke. Overall, however, his administration's criminal record was not as bad as some later presidencies. He also probably had no knowledge of the Teapot Dome scandal and the leases of oil from those reserves which later tarnished his reputation, and most of his appointments, Hughes, Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, Chief Justice Howard Taft to the Supreme Court, were far above par.
No one would put Harding in the top ranks of Presidents, but this book shows, despite much confused editorializing, that the image of a corrupt, do-nothing, doddert, is at best misplaced.
May 24, 2011
This one volume book on the Harding administration is heavy on policy, both foreign and domestic, and is written more for an academic audience than the casual reader. That being said, for someone looking for a brief overview of the Harding administration from a political history standpoint (as I was), it hits the spot. It's hard to spot the author's bias, which I always appreciate in a good history book, and I think Harding gets a fair shake as a well meaning, if inept, chief executive. I do wish more time had been spent on the scandals of the administration, especially the Teapot Dome affair.
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews