I knew little of Henry Wallace as a young man, even though I was 22 the year he died, but I did know the two men who later wrote this biography of Wallace – Iowa Senator John Culver and The Des Moines Register reporter John Hyde. That was back in the day when Iowa senators were known for their intelligence, integrity, and national influence – decades before the sad tribalism of the 21st century had reduced such people to puppets of the wealthy Right – and when the The Des Moines Register regularly won Pulitzers and other awards for the quality of their reporting – decades before the then family-owned newspaper was acquired by the Gannett chain that subsequently reduced this once nationally prominent paper of quality to the sadly diminished paper of today.
After having read this interestingly detailed and fascinating account of a very multi-faceted man, I better understand why I had heard so little of him in the ‘50s and ‘60s, for he had fallen victim – as had so many other men and women of integrity – to the Right-wing mania of those Cold War times: rabid anti-communism which clumped together anything, and anyone, left-of-center as dangerous communists or communist-sympathizers.
Henry Wallace, of all the people of that time, could honestly not be reduced to any simple category; he was just too complex, too deep, of a person. I think the sculptor Jo Davidson captured this aspect of Wallace beautifully in her bronze sculpture entitled, The Seer.
One of the things that can be said about him with assurance is that he was a quintessential Iowan rooted in the land. He was a farmer at heart, and an incredibly advanced scientist regarding the soil and all that grew from it.
One of the things that can be said about him with assurance is that he was a quintessential Iowan rooted in the land. He was a farmer at heart, and an incredibly advanced scientist regarding the soil and all that grew from it. His father bequeathed his own knowledge of the land to him, and his grandfather left the family a strong religious faith that, while somewhat amorphous – Wallace never thought of himself as a particular “brand” of Christian – left him with convictions about the holiness of the land, air, and water of our lovely planet and with a deep concern for every human’s right to enjoy the fruits of life.
This excellent biography covers much of what happened in the United States – and Europe as well – from the late 19th through the middle of the 20th centuries. Not surprisingly, it also includes great detail about the ups and downs of agriculture during this time, and of the many contributions Wallace – and his father before him – made to experiments that resulted in crops with increased yield while also being more disease and drought-resistant.
Wallace was able to do this in part because of his early and intensive use of statistics in evaluating seeds and kept incredibly detailed records which helped convince skeptics of the truth of his conclusions. As one prominent example, at a time (early 20th century) when the “best corn” was determined by looks – its color, the fullness of each granule – he stubbornly insisted that looks didn’t matter to a pig, but that what mattered was taste and yield. Because of his work, half or more of the corn consumed around the world today is the result of his work in genetics.
Also like his father before him, Henry Wallace was a consummate writer. For many years his family owned and controlled various magazine targeted at the farm audience – such as Wallace’s Farmer – and he wrote many of the articles in them himself.
Moreover, just as his father was tapped to be Secretary of Agriculture by President Harding, so also was he appointed Secretary of Agriculture by FDR, which gave him a wider, even world-wide audience for his work on, and theories concerning, all aspects of agriculture. He was an admirer of the president’s wide-ranging curiosity and willingness to experiment but, like many others in the New Deal, sometimes questioned the depth of FDR’s understanding or, for that matter, commitment since FDR relied greatly on his own instincts, ability to personally charm others, and an ear tuned to political winds.
In 1940 FDR tapped him for his vice-presidential running mate. The election was won soundly, and Wallace felt that he and the president made good working partners who trusted each other. And that was true – to a point. But even at the outset of Roosevelt’s third term, it was obvious to Wallace and others in the administration that the previous eight years of wrestling with the Depression and an increasingly vocal and strident opposition had weakened the man.
Even though Wallace enjoyed widespread popularity in the Democratic Party, by the approach of the 1944 election the more conservative factions within the Democratic Party’s leadership maneuvered to oust him and to replace him with a man more to their own liking – and also one more able to be manipulated by them.
FDR’s role in this was not his best. He alternatively assured Wallace personally that he – Wallace – remained his personal choice but then also, under pressure from conservative national politicians, signed papers indicating his willingness to have others given careful consideration, too, including Truman.
Wallace fought gamely and above board, but the “bosses” got their way at the national convention, even though Wallace initially led other nominees for the vice-presidency by a substantial margin. Substantial, but not enough to prevail.
As was made clear in the books on Kennan and Lippmann that I have read recently, the result was an unintended disaster, for when FDR died suddenly in early 1945 it was Truman and not Wallace who then assumed the presidency. Unlike Wallace, who had been intimately familiar with and deeply involved in supporting the main programs of the New Deal, Truman had not. Even more fatefully, Truman knew nothing of the program to develop the atomic bomb, nor had he been kept abreast of the agreements which FDR and Stalin had reached with regard to the postwar world, most importantly, those that granted the Soviet Union a de facto sphere of interest in central and eastern Europe. (As an important, factual aside: Roosevelt did not “give up” any territories to the Soviets that they did not already occupy with military force. The de facto sphere of interest was merely that over which the Soviets already had control.)
“Some men see things as they are, and ask why. I dream of things that never were, and ask why not.” (Robert F. Kennedy, quoting George Bernard Shaw)
As the title of this book indicates, however, what most struck many about Henry Wallace was his idealism, his belief in and hope for the “common man,” as he put it, and his life-long drive to work for improvements in the diet, environment, and political relations that would allow this “common man” to thrive and prosper. This meant that he championed efforts directed especially towards the poor domestically and internationally, and he repeatedly called for the United States to direct more attention to the Americas where, he felt, efforts to improve crops would have the greatest effect.
His detractors – and, especially during and after the Red Scare drummed up by the far Right and Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin, he came to have many – contemptuously called him a “dreamer,” meaning someone detached from reality, someone who could not be trusted to do what had to be done in the “real world.” Despite the Cold War and the vicious domestic ideological infighting that was central to it, Wallace maintained his confidence in “the people” and resisted repeated calls to join one “side” or the other.
After his death from what is now called Lou Gehrig’s disease in 1955, his reputation began to grow more favorable again. And I think he was that rare figure that all too infrequently appears in our national life whose vision of true peace and prosperity really did mark him as a singularly great man.