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269 pages, Paperback
First published December 17, 2012
The methods and processes outlined in these next chapters often cite the importance of teachers critiquing each other, planning together, evaluating together, and finding many other ways in which to work together. I acknowledge that this is a resource-intensive claim. The plea is to find ways in which to resource this learning together within schools, because this would be a much more effective and efficient use of educational funding than that typically spent on the peripheries and structural issues of schooling – which so often have less effect, such as offering summer school (d = .23), reducing class size (d = .21), ability grouping (d = .12), open learning communities (d = .01), extra-curricular programs (d = .17), or retention (-.16). Accomplishing the maximum impact on student learning depends on teams of teachers working together, with excellent leaders or coaches, agreeing on worthwhile outcomes, setting high expectations, knowing the students’ starting and desired success in learning, seeking evidence continually about their impact on all students, modifying their teaching in light of this evaluation, and joining in the success of truly making a difference to student outcomes.
Expert teachers and experienced teachers do not differ in the amount of knowledge that they have about curriculum matters or knowledge about teaching strategies – but expert teachers do differ in how they organize and use this content knowledge.
Self-efficacy This is the confidence or strength of belief that we have in ourselves that we can make our learning happen. Those with high self-efficacy are more likely to see hard tasks as challenges rather than try to avoid them, and when they have failures, they see them as a chance to learn and to make a greater effort or to look for new information next time. Those with low self-efficacy are more likely to avoid difficult tasks, which they view as personal threats; they are likely to have low or weak commitment to goals, and are more likely, in ‘failure’ situations, to dwell on personal deficiencies, obstacles encountered, or to deny personal agency, and they are slow to recover their confidence.
Self-handicapping This occurs when students choose impediments or obstacles to performance that allow them to deflect the cause of failure away from their competence towards the acquired impediments. Examples include procrastination, the choice of performance-debilitating circumstances (for example,‘the dog ate my homework’), engaging in little or no practice for upcoming tasks, having low-challenge goals, exaggerating obstacles to success, and strategically reducing effort. In the event of failure, the person has an immediate excuse. We can reduce self-handicapping by providing more success in learning, reducing the uncertainty about learning outcomes, and teaching students to become better monitors of their own learning.
Self-motivation This can be towards intrinsic or extrinsic attributions: is the learning itself the source of satisfaction, or are perceived rewards the sources of satisfaction? ‘How do I reinvest in learning more?’,‘How do I move to the next, more challenging task?’, and ‘Now I understand . . .’ are examples of the former. ‘Is this on the test?’, ‘Do I get a sticker?’, and ‘Is this enough to pass?’ are examples of the latter. A combination of both is probably needed, but the more the balance moves towards intrinsic motivation, the greater the investment in learning, which then leads to greater learning gains. Too much external motivation can lead to shallow learning of the surface features, completion of work regardless of the standard, and completing work for the sake of praise or similar rewards.
Mastery goals arise when students aim to develop their competence and they consider ability to be something that can be developed by increasing effort. Performance goals arise when students aim to demonstrate their competence particularly by outperforming peers, and they consider ability to be fixed, and not malleable or able to be changed. Social goals arise when students are most concerned about how they interact with, and relate to, others in the class.
Self-dependence This can occur when students become dependent on adult directives. In many gifted classes, especially, students can aim to do everything that the teacher asks of them to the point that they do not learn how to self-regulate, self-monitor, and self- evaluate. While they may gain esteem and success in tasks by attending to these directives, their longer-term success is far from assured when these directives are not present. I have met so many bright students who work for extrinsic reasons, develop self-dependent strategies, and start to fail when they are expected to regulate their own learning (especially when they attend university).
Self-discounting and distortion This can be invoked by students ‘dismissing’ information such as praise, punishment, or feedback as neither valuable, accurate, nor worthwhile. For example, when a teacher tells a student that he or she is doing a great job, the student's reaction may be to discount this by claiming ‘She always says that,’ ‘She's only trying to make me feel good,’ or ‘It's only because it's neat, not because it's correct’
Self-perfectionism This comes in many forms: we can set such demanding standards for ourselves that, when they are not met, we see it as failure; we can demand that resources be perfect and blame their absence (for example, a lack of time) when we do not succeed; we can procrastinate because conditions are not perfect for success; we can attend to irrelevant details and overzealously invest time in tasks that may not be worth the increased investment; or we may have an ‘all or nothing’ approach, believing that the task is not at all or very much worth completing. While there can be a sense of pleasure derived from taking painstaking effort, there are more likely to be negative consequences.
Hopelessness This refers to the student expecting that achievement gains will not occur for him or her and that he or she is helpless to change the situation. In such a situation, the student avoids and does not engage with achievement tasks, protects their sense of self by gaining reputation or success from other activities (such as naughty behaviour), and does not see that achievement gains are due to his or her actions or in his or her control. Such hopelessness is likely to come from prior academic failures, holding beliefs that achievement is not readily changeable, but is more likely to be fixed, low levels of self- efficacy, not valuing school learning, not having appropriate learning strategies for the task, and from being in a context that is harsh, overly demanding, or punitive (Au, Watkins, Hattie, & Alexander 2009).
Social comparison This is ever-present in classrooms. Students often monitor others’ behaviour for cues and attributions to explain or enhance their own conceptions of self. For example, very successful mathematics students might have a high maths self-concept in an average maths class, but after being sent to a gifted maths class, their self-concept could plummet as they compare themselves with this new cohort. Marsh et al. (2008) has termed this the ‘big fish, little pond’ effect. It is essential to teach such students that they can have multiple sources of comparison, so as to reduce any negative effect (Neiderer, 2011). Low self-esteem individuals often use social comparison – particularly comparing to those less fortunate than themselves – and they often attempt to present themselves as more confident to impress others and maybe even themselves. Public boasting, however, can create an impression of competence and engender dislike of the student among peers – particularly when they become aware of that student's actual poor performance.
When students invoke learning rather than performance strategies, accept rather than discount feedback, set benchmarks for difficult rather than easy goals, compare their achievement to subject criteria rather than with that of other students, develop high rather than low efficacy to learning, and effect self-regulation and personal control rather than learned hopelessness in the academic situation, then they are much more likely to realize achievement gains and invest in learning. These dispositions can be taught; they can be learned.
Sandra Hastie (2011) asked about the nature of goals that students set for themselves in the middle school years. She found that, at best, students set performance goals such as: ‘I aim to complete the work faster, better, or make the work longer.’ She then carried out a series of studies to teach the students to set mastery goals (‘I aim to understand the concepts’), but these were not as successful as teaching the teachers how to help students to set mastery goals. The teachers were provided with strategies to show students how to set and write personal best goals, the value of SMART goals (that is, those that are specific, measurable, ambitious, results-oriented, and timely), how students can break goals down into micro-goals, what challenge meant in a goal, what success looked like relative to the goals, and how students could fill in a self-review questionnaire diary. The diary invited students, assisted by their teachers, to write down three goals for themselves based on the unit that they were about to study. They were then provided examples of what success in relation to the goal looked like and rated themselves after each lesson.
One of the fascinating notions is how challenge is related to what we know: in most schools tasks, we need to already know about 90 per cent of what we are aiming to master in order to enjoy and make the most of the challenge (Burns, 2002). In reading, this target is somewhat higher: we need to know more like 95–99 per cent of the words on a page before we enjoy the challenge of reading a particular text (Gickling, 1984). Anything less than 50 per cent virtually assures that students are likely to be not engaged and their success will be limited.
we ran a series of workshops (N = 438 teachers) aimed at determining the level of performance on a set of reading items. Teachers were asked to answer 100+ items and then place bookmarks between sets of items that best represented their concept of Level 2 of the New Zealand curriculum (usually completed by years 4 and 5 students) and Level 3 (years 6 and 7), up to Level 6 (years 11 and 12). During the first round, they did this independently and their results were then shown to all teachers in the group. After listening to each other's reasoning about the skills and strategies that underpinned their decisions, they completed a second round in groups of four or five teachers. The mean item at each level hardly changed across the teachers – indicating that, on average, teachers in New Zealand have similar conceptions of the levels of the curriculum. But the variability among the teachers dramatically reduced (by 45 per cent) after they listened to each other. By simply undertaking this exercise, the judgements made by teachers as to what is meant by student work at different levels of the curriculum became much more consistent
Yair (2000) asked 865 Grades 6–12 students to wear digital wristwatches that were programmed to emit signals eight times a day – leading to 28,193 experiences. They were asked to note ‘Where were you at the time of the beep?’ and ‘What was on your mind?’. Students were engaged with their lessons for only half of the time; this engagement hardly varied relative to their ability or across subjects. Most of the instruction was teacher talk, but such talk produced the lowest engagement.Teachers talk between 70 and 80 per cent of class time, on average. Teachers’ talking increases as the year level rises and as the class size decreases!
Cooperative learning is certainly a powerful intervention. It exceeds its alternatives: for cooperative learning versus heterogeneous classes, d = 0.41; for cooperative versus individualistic learning, d = 0.59; for cooperative versus competitive learning, d = 0.54; and for competitive versus individualistic learning, d = 0.24. Both cooperative and competitive (particularly when the competitive element relates to attaining personal bests and personal levels of attainment rather than competition between students for a higher ranking) are more effective than individualistic methods – pointing again to the power of peers in the learning equation. Cooperative learning is most powerful after the students have acquired sufficient surface knowledge to then be involved in discussion and learning with their peers – usually in some structured manner. It is then most useful for learning concepts, verbal problem-solving, categorizing, spatial problem-solving, retention and memory, and guessing–judging–predicting. As Roseth, Fang, Johnson, & Johnson (2006: 7) concluded: ‘. . . if you want to increase student academic achievement, give each student a friend.’
There is much evidence that students are assigned quite different styles by different teachers (Holt, Denny, Capps, & De Vore, 2005), and the common measures are notoriously unreliable and not predictive of much at all. The most extensive review, by Coffield, Moseley, Ecclestone, and Hall (2004) found few studies that met their minimum acceptability criteria, and the authors provided many criticisms of the field, such as too much overstatement, poor items and assessments, low validity and negligible effect on practice, and too much of the advocacy being aimed at commercial ends.
Perhaps the most simplistic labelling is to assume that there are but two ways of learning: a male way and a female way! The difference in effect sizes between boys and girls is small (d = 0.15, and this favours boys) – more specifically, for language, d = 0.03, for maths, 0.04, for science, 0.07, for affective outcomes, 0.04, for motivation –0.03, but there are much greater differences in motor activities, in which d = 0.42. Janet Hyde (2005) has completed the largest study, summarizing 124 meta-analyses and many millions of students on this topic; she speaks about the gender similarity hypothesis. Across her four major outcomes, the differences slightly favoured girls in communication (d = –0.17), and boys in achievement (d = 0.03), and social and personality (d = 0.20) outcomes. In relation to the last of these, boys are more aggressive (d = 0.40), are more likely to be involved in helping others (d = 0.30) and in negotiating (d = 0.09), but the greatest differences relate to sexuality (for arousal, d = 0.30; for masturbation, d = 0.95). Girls were much higher on attention (d = –0.23), effortful control (d = –1.10), and inhibitory control (d = –0.42) – that is, girls display a greater ability to manage and regulate their attention and inhibit their impulses: skills that are most useful in classrooms. [...] It is simple: the variability among boys and among girls is very large – and much, much greater than the average difference between boys and girls.