Islam without Extremes: A Muslim Case for Liberty

by Mustafa Akyol

A provocative manifesto for an interpretation of Islam that synthesizes liberal ideas and respect for the Islamic tradition. From furious reactions to the cartoons of Prophet Muhammad to the suppression of women, news from the Muslim world begs the question: is Islam incompatible with freedom? With an eye sympathetic to Western liberalism and Islamic theology, Mustafa Akyol traces the ideological and historical roots of political Islam. The years following Muhammad's passing in 632 AD saw an intellectual "war of ideas" rage between rationalist, flexible schools of Islam and the more dogmatic, rigid ones. The traditionalist school won out, fostering perceptions of Islam as antithetical to modernity. However, through his careful reexamination of the currents of Muslim thought, Akyol discovers a flourishing of liberalism in the nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire and the unique "Islamo-liberal synthesis" of present-day Turkey. Only by accepting a secular state, he powerfully asserts, can Islamic societies thrive. Persuasive and inspiring, Islam without Extremes offers a desperately needed intellectual basis for the reconcilability of Islam and religious, political, economic, and social freedoms.

Genres: Religion, Islam, Nonfiction, Politics, History, Philosophy, Middle East

352 pages, Hardcover

First published July 11, 2011

About the author

Mustafa Akyol lives in Istanbul and is a columnist for the Turkish newspapers Hürriyet Daily News and Star. He has written opinion pieces for the Washington Post, the International Herald Tribune, and Newsweek.

Reviews

[Ahmed Gatnash · Rating 3 out of 5]

"There is a great mystery in Islam. Islam should have been the first civilisation that abandoned slavery; it was one of the last. Islam should have been the first to establish complete religious liverty; today, non-Muslims egregious persecution in Muslim lands. Islam should have been the first to establish social equality for women...Islam should have been the foremost civilisation to observe the humanitarian rules of war..."

But why? What happened? Why did the start Muhammad (pbuh) made not reach its logical conclusion?

Having grown up seeing "secular police" forcing women to uncover their heads rather than "religious police" forcing women to cover them, the author concludes that the problem is not with Islam at all, but with a mindset that was absorbed into it in the early centuries of Islam. In this book he presents "a genuinely Muslim case for liberty", with arguments supporting freedom from the state, freedom to sin and freedom from Islam, as well as discussions on approaches to blasphemy and apostasy. Rejecting the concept that liberalism is a foreign or western import, as it is often seen today, he traces liberal ideas through Islamic history to the early days of Islam, and explains why they failed to become definitive.

He also explores how social and historical factors resulted in more emphasis being placed on a "theory of responsibility" rather than a "theory of rights" in classical Islamic scholarship, with most of the discourse on rights was focussed on collective rights rather than individual ones, and also explores how changing social circumstances today in some places such as Turkey is pushing a quiet revolution in many of these ways.


"Neither the community nor the government is entitled to interfere with the liberty of the individual so long as the individual has not violated the law" - Imam Abu Hanifa

"That year the Hanbali affair became more distressing as their fury intensified. They began to raid the houses of the commanders and of the common people, and if they found wine they poured it away, and if they found a singing girl they beat her and broke her instruments. They hindered buying and selling and delayed men who were walking along with women and youths, to question them about their companions. If the answers failed to satisfy them they beat the men and dragged them to the chief of police and testified about their immoral acts. The Hanbalis wrought discord upon Baghdad" - Ibn al-Athir

Why this massive discrepancy between such interpretations of Islam? And how did we reach the stage of "Every discussion about a thing that the Prophet did not discuss is an error" (al-Mutawakkil)?!

The Qur'anic emphasis on reason gave birth to a school of rationalism in Islam, and with a powerful and at times controversial critique of modern schools of thought, and an attempt to rediscover an extinct one and find out what happened to it, the author advocates a rationalist method in which more emphasis is given to the Qur'an and reason, and hadith is re-evaluated critically for it's place, context and relevance to today.

I found much to disagree with, but what surprised me more was the amount I found myself nodding my head. This book could have been a powerful argument against Islamophobes who maintain that Islam is an oppressive and authoritarian religion, but it was written as much more than that; a critique of our own understanding, and a call to change the situation we are in. An absolute must-read for all, particularly if you feel a deep sense of crisis at where we are today. It will leave you with a deeper understanding of the diagnosis, a few answers and possibly even more questions...

[Lobna · Rating 5 out of 5]

As a Muslim who believes in liberty this book came as a savior for me; Akyoul’s case is my case and I am sure it is the case of many pious Muslims around the world. His great research effort, which combines theology, history, politics and culture, is very illuminating, intriguing and mind storming. It made me seek for more knowledge documenting and analyzing the war of ideas in Islam; a topic that I urge every Muslim to start reading about from different sources for the truth lies somewhere between the lines.
As an Arab, I had been surrounded all my life with Arab scholars’ interpretations, through this book I have been introduced for the first time to the work of great Turkish Muslim scholars, which added a lot to me. There is also a big part about Turkey’s history and politics and its struggle to save itself from a secularist state that is hostile to religion and a theocratic state that is hostile to freedom, seeking the aspiration of a secular one that respects the right of its citizens to live by their faith. It is all in the Qur’an and the work of great Muslim thinkers like Mutazilites , most of them were followers of Abu Hanifa in jurisprudence, the work of Al-Farabi who wrote the book of civil politics and many others whom their work had been deliberately overlooked for political reasons and mundane interests.
There is still so much to tell. I hope I would have the strength to write a comprehensive review soon.

كوني مسلمة تؤمن بالحرية جاء هذا الكتاب بمثابة المنقذ بالنسبة لي، فقضية الباحث والمحلل السياسي التركي مصطفى أكيول من أجل الحرية هي قضيتي أيضا وأنا على يقين من أنها قضية الكثير من المسلمين الأتقياء في جميع أنحاء العالم. حقيقة يُحدث جهده البحثي الكبير الذي يجمع بين اللاهوت والتاريخ والسياسة والثقافة استنارة ويثير العقل. مما جعلني أسعى لمعرفة المزيد عن ما كُتب عن حرب الأفكار في الإسلام كما يطلق عليها أكيول؛ وهو الموضوع الذي أحث كل مسلم على البدء في القراءة عنه من مصادر مختلفة فالحقيقة تكمن في مكان ما بين السطور. (أرشح كتاب تيارات الفكر الإسلامي للدكتور محمد عمارة كبداية
وكوني عربية فقد ظللت محاطة طوال حياتي بتفسيرات العلماء العرب، ولكني قد تعرفت من خلال هذا الكتاب لأول مرة على أعمال العلماء المسلمين الأتراك وجهودهم البحثية الهامة، الأمر الذي أضاف لي الكثير. هناك أيضا جزء كبير حول تاريخ تركيا وسياستها ونضالها من أجل إنقاذ نفسها من دولة علمانية معادية للدين ودولة دينية معادية للحريات، وتطلعها إلى دولة مدنية تحترم حق مواطنيها في العيش وفقا لمعتقداتهم الدينية والشخصية. وكل ذلك ليس بعيدا عن القرآن الكريم، بل موجودا فيه وفي أعمال مفكرين مسلمين كبار مثل المعتزلة، وهم أتباع أبي حنيفة في الفقه، و الفارابي صاحب كتاب السياسة المدنية وغيرهم الكثير، الذين تم غض الطرف عن أعمالهم الفكرية لأسباب سياسية ومصالح دنيوية
لا يزال هناك الكثير الذي ينبغي قوله. أرجو أن أملك الجلد لكتابة عرض شامل قريبا.

[مروان البلوشي · Rating 4 out of 5]

بغض النظر عن صورته الحالية وهي صورة سلبية ويتم تشويهها بشكل يومي، يؤكد بعض علماء وباحثي الأديان أن الإسلام كان على الأقل في عصوره الأولى قوة تحرر اجتماعية وروحية، وفي هذا الكتاب يؤكد الكاتب التركي مصطفى أكيول، أن الإسلام (كان) يهدف لتحطيم الأصنام الفكرية والنفسية التي تمنع الإنسان من التفكير بربه ودينه وروحانيته وحتى حياته، بنفسه. بدون تسلط رجال الدين أو السلطة.

ويؤكد أكيول أن هذه الفكرة التي (حملها) الإسلام، وهي فكرة أن الإنسان حر في إنشاء مساحته الذاتية وعلاقته الخاصة مع الله والمجتمع، تتوافق مع قلب الفلسفة الليبرالية الغربية التي تريد قبل كل شئ أن يتحرر الإنسان من كل القيود حتى يبني مملكة الله على الأرض، (أو إن استخدمنا التعبير الإسلامي، حتى يعمر الأرض).
ومن هذا المنطلق، يؤكد أكيول إن الإسلام ورغم كل معاناته الحالية، لا يزال قادراً على التصالح مع مبادئ ومفاهيم عصرية مثل حقوق الإنسان وحرية التعبير والمساواة وحكم القانون الخ. لا يتوقف أكيول عند التأكيد فحسب، بل يعرض العديد من الحجج والبراهين التاريخية والإجتماعية والسياسية التي تؤكد على صحة كلامه، كما أنه يقوم برحلة عميقة تقطف أفكار بعض العقول الإسلامية الجريئة التي حاولت بشجاعة وجرأة أن توافق بين الإسلام والحداثة.

ولكن الكتاب ليس مجرد تنظير فكري في الهواء لأفكار فارهة وجميلة المنظر، بل يناقش تحديات واقعنا الحالي إنطلاقاً من فرضيته الأساسية وهي أن الإسلام قادر على أن يتوافق ويتصالح مع ليبرالية عصرنا الحالي. فهو يسلط النظر على فكرة فرض تطبيق الشريعة الإسلامية، (وهي جزء من البرنامج السياسي لأحزاب الإسلام السياسي في كل مكان) ويعارضها لأنها سوف تضر بالإسلام قبل كل شئ، حيث أن فرض تطبيق الشريعة سيؤدي في حالات كثيرة إلى انتشار الفاشية الفكرية والسياسية وحتى النفسية في المجتمعات المسلمة (أو المجتمعات الغير مسلمة ولكن التي تعيش بينها أقليات مسلمة).

ويربط الكتاب بمهارة بين الفاشية، وبين مأساة الإسلام في وقتنا الحالي. ويشدد على نقطتين :
1. تشويه جوهر"الإسلام الأصلي الليبرالي" أدى إلى خلق فاشية ضخمة وضاغطة تكاد أن تقتل روح واخلاق الإنسان المسلم.
2. إصلاح الإسلام بحاجة إلى مراجعة جدية لرصيد السلطة والشرعية الهائل الذي راكمته المؤسسات الدينية المسلمة على مر العصور السابقة. بالإضافة لمراجعة العلاقة الشائكة بين المؤسسات الدينية والسياسية.

ويعود الكتاب مراراً لمناقشة وتفحص العلاقة بين "الإسلام الأصلي الليبرالي" وبين فردانية الإنسان وعلاقته بالسلطة أيا كانت صيغتها. هذا كتاب لكل من يريد أن يقرأ عن الإسلام ومكانه ومستقبله في عالم اليوم.

[Sofia · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a truly excellent book and one I'm so glad I finally capitulated to despite wrongly assuming the book would be a volume of apologetics, on the basis of its title. I actually happened to chance upon Mustafa Akyol's TED talk in which he presented some of his ideas from this book. http://youtu.be/Gk6-TWX-jk0 Intrigued, I bought a copy and would highly recommend it. His language is clear, easy and accessible which is such a relief as I have often read academic books which I have recommended to others who are sadly often put off by the academic language. This book is made for everyone to access and understand.
History is highly subjective and yet the Muslim narrative of Islamic history is so narrow that alternative narrations of history are near impossible to find! Thus Akyol's narration of history is not just very well researched but a fresh and essential alternative depiction. Finally some objective history!
I may have knocked half a star in rating though for the prolonged portrayal of latter politics, however I appreciate how he drew his parallels from them.
He addresses apostasy, blasphemy and other "crimes" and their "punishments" with excellence.
I highly recommend this book for all who wish to learn about Islam in terms of its history and politics, and to those muslims who may be watching the media and seeing muslims usurping their religion, and wondering where the religion they know as Islam has gone.

[Kamran · Rating 5 out of 5]

"Nothing is what it seems."
-Al Pacino, in the Recruit (2003)
That is the quote Mustafa Akyol begins with.
Mustafa Akyol, rationally expressed his ideas on 'case of Muslim Liberty.' The world is inevitably becoming more open, transparent, individualistic and obviously globalised. So, there is a dire need of a strong current of political liberalism in the region (Islamic world).
He starts his theses from 'The Beginning.'(Era of Revelation on Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H) ). Adding further the rule of 4 rightly guided Caliphates, he approaches to the time from where the real bone of contention took place; First during Battle of Saffin (present day Syria) amid Hazrat Ali and Muawiyah (R.A). It was the time, Kharijites (a form of present day IS) started their campaign of imposing their own policies of Islam. An ilk of terrorism or terrorism itself propagated through this 'political' community.
Then, during Umayyad's and Abbasid's dynasty 'War of Ideas' perpetuated. Rival was no other than two main school of thoughts; Traditionalists (supported by Imam Ahmad Bin Hanbal) and Rationalist ( Supported by Imam Abu Hanifa). The write, beyond cavil, supported Rationalists. And tere is a note on House of Wisdom.
There is also a comprehensive research on Ottomotor Empire;
Islamic policies,
Tendencies toward West,
Crime and Punishments,
Islamic liberalism,
The Case of blasphemy and Islamic teachings,
The Case of Apostasy,
And from Kemalist Turkey to Present one.
Tunisias's Ennahad party,
Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood.
Ensuingly, he discussed Arab Spring of 21st century.
In a nutshell, He as an advocate of a secular and liberal approaches in political system of middle east, fundamentally presented three pillars on which he also summarised his book;
1. Reason. ( A change of religion is simply a matter of persuasion, and it should ne respected as such)
2. Pluralism ( to live and let live with different versions of the faith. It will erode the basis of religious authoritarianism as well with other results)
3. Godliness (not imposing islam but proposing it effectively. Politics focused Islamists were wrong and the faith focused were right (mentioning early tendencies toward politics in Islamic qorld) )
It is based on a well-versed study of Islamic teachings and a worth book entitled to 5 stars.

[Jiwa Rasa · Rating 5 out of 5]

Wacana yang sangat segar dari kolumnis akhbar Hurriyet Turki. Mustafa Akyol membawa pandangan berdasarkan pengalaman Turki yang berlainan dengan negara Arab. Turki moden wujud dari kejatuhan khilafah Uthmaniah Turki tahun 1918. Turki adalah salah satu negara umat Islam yang tidak pernah dijajah. Satu lagi ialah Yaman yang memang tiada yang berminat untuk menjajah.

Penulis membawa pembaca menelusuri sejarah Islam dari zaman nabi sehingga zaman kini. Penulis cuba membuktikan bahawa Islam adalah agama yang mendokong liberalisme ekonomi, kebebasan individu dan berbeza pandangan.

Mustafa Akyol, seperti tokoh neo modenis dan pasca Islamis yang lain, memandang tinggi akan fahaman Muktazilah juga Murji'ah. Beliau menyebut perbezaan mazhab antara penyebab timbulnya ekstremisme dalam menerima Islam. Perbezaan antara Mazhab Hanbali dan Hanafi disorot oleh Akyol. Mungkin bukan kebetulan, mazhab Hanafi dilihat lebih lembut dan diikuti di Turki berbanding mazhab Hanbali di negara Arab. Dari mazhab Hanbalilah menurut penulis lahirnya garis keras fahaman Wahabi.

Masalah sekularisme di Turki juga disorot dengan menarik. Menurut Akyol sekular di Turki tidak sama dengan sekular di Amerika atau di Eropah. Sekular Kamal Atarturk semacam membawa agama baru yang mengekang kebebasan individu dalam menganut kepercayaan masing-masing.

[Joel Trono-Doerksen · Rating 2 out of 5]

2011: this book made me an Muslim modernist. Enough said

2018: Boy what I difference 7 years makes. This book is (mostly) garbage. Capitalism and Islam are completely incompatible.

[Fuad Karimli · Rating 5 out of 5]

I was initially skeptical of what my overall opinion would be of this book, due to the language with which it was written (at some points the author is quite informal). But I realised that this would be beneficial for a Western audience who is not well informed about Islam and its history. All in all the book was quite engaging, albeit tedious at times.

I really enjoyed Akyol's historican analysis of Islam as a battle of ideas between 'Rationalists', whom give importance on individual liberties, freedom and rational interpretation of the religion, and 'Traditionalists' who are much more rigid and focus on the Hadiths (oral traditions), bringing their own innovations (while ironically, opposing innovation) "such as stoning adulterers, bans on art and music, social limitations on women... none of these are in the Qur'an; all of them are in the Hadiths." The Traditionalist thinkers were the winners of this 'war', and Akyol argues that this is the reason for widespread strict and irrationali interpretation of Islam in many countries.

Akyol also puts forward arguments such as some Hadith's being unreliable, and how it is a mistake to base interpretations of Islam solely on these writings.

He also makes a compelling argument that the negative opinion people have on Islam and Muslim countries in particular is due to the historical, cultural and political elements which are specific to the regions (such as the Middle East) rather than being specific to Islam.

"Thus, the Islam of today carries the weight of fourteen centuries of tradition. Far worse, it even carries the weight of the political crises and traumas endured by Muslims in the past two centuries."

Throughout the book Akyol successfully shows how a liberal interpretation of the Qur'an is possible and that Islam is a religion of equality and freedom.

He also shows the effect of western colonialism and domination in the region for the rise of radical views (although also being affected by deep political schisms within Islam): "Islamism began to define Islam not as a path to God's blessings and eternal salvation, as it is defined in the Qur'an, but instead as a political ideology that will help Muslims fight the Western-dominated world system."

Highly advised for anyone who wants to learn more about Islam, its history and political divisions which led to the radically different interpretations which exist today.

[Abbas Djavadi · Rating 4 out of 5]

Extremely well-written. This is basically a case for liberal Muslims. Or maybe rather a good book for non-Muslims, primarily Westerners, as a tool to look at Islam a bit more differently than what is the popular approach of the "man on the street" in Chicago or Paris. But, frankly, I am not sure if this discussion has already started to occupy our Muslim countries/communities to the extent it could potentially change the mindsets of the "masses." You look at the "Arab Spring" and find out, in my view, that people's main concerns are other than the theoretical/practiced religion and whether or not it is compatible with the liberal values of the West. They are primarily (and maybe rightly) concerned about their freedom of speech and change the government, media freedom, corruption, authoritarianism, etc. - and less about all these religion-related discussions. And if you have free and fair elections in a typical Middle Eastern country, it is extremely hard to believe that a non-Muslim, secular type of political figure would get elected as a president or prime minister. This is where the Turkish model may come in - though not necessarily in all cases and in the same way.

[Ahmet Kaya · Rating 4 out of 5]

Kitapta katılmadığım pek çok husus var. Öncelikle İslam tarihini anlatırken atladığı birçok kısım var, sanki sadece tezini kuvvetlendirmek istediği bölümleri anlatmış gibi geldi bana ama bunu daha çok kitabın hacim olarak da küçük olmasına bağlıyorum. Ayrıca yazarın Osmanlı'nın ve Türkiye'nin İslam anlayışını yorumlarken fazlasıyla taraflı davrandığını düşünüyorum. (Bunda elbette kitabın, İslam'a karşı daha önyargılı bakan Batı dünyasına hitap etmesinin de haklı bir payı var.) Bu coğrafyada yaşanan İslam anlayışına ilişkin yer yer eleştirileri olsa da (bunların kahir ekseriyetini de Kemalizme bağlaması Kemalizmi sürekli olarak eleştiren beni bile rahatsız etti) bu eleştiriler çok zayıf kalmış ve ne yazık ki klasik "işte İslam süper, e biz de süperiz ama arada münferit şeyler oluyor" anlayışından çok fazla da kopamamış. Dahası, son on yılda yaşanan gelişmeleri yorumlayışı fazlasıyla naif kalmış ve İslam anlayışında özgürlükçü yönde ufak tefek dönüşümlerin olduğu bu dönemden neredeyse kocaman bir İslami reform dönemi gibi bahsetmesi fazla iyimser bir yorum olmuş. Nitekim kendisi son baskısına yaptığı önsöz yazısında da bu konuda günah çıkarmaya çalışmış. Son olarak, bir akademik çalışma denemesi olarak, kullanılan kaynaklar yetersiz ve sürekli aynı kaynaklara referans verilmiş.

Peki nedir kitabın beğendiğim tarafları? Birincisi ve en önemlisi, yazar, kendi çapında hem İslam'a hem de liberal teoriye meraklı olan benim aşağı yukarı yıllardır savunduğum düşünceyi, yani özgürlükçü bir İslami anlayışın İslam tarihinde (ayrıca İslam'ın özünde) olduğunu ve bu anlayışın (birçok nedenle) bastırıldığını/yok olduğunu, somut gerekçelerle ve tarihsel arka planıyla birlikte açıklama çabasına girişiyor. Bunda da (yukarıdaki eleştirilerimi saklı tutarak) oldukça başarılı olduğunu söyleyebilirim. Bu konuda çalışılmasaydı, belki ileride vakit ve enerji bulacak olsam ben çalışabilirdim (bu konuda yeterince dolu olduğumu hissettiğimde, bir 15-20 yıl sonra mesela), beni bu dertten kısmen kurtarmış. İkincisi, yazar özgürlükçü ve baskıcı İslam anlayışları arasındaki ayrımı çok iyi yapmış, liberalizmi (yazar esasen liberalizme atıf yaptığı yerlerde Amerikan liberteryenizmine atıf yapıyor, bu belki Türkçe'sinde liberal olarak çevirilmiş, orijinalini okumadım) de İslam'ı da iyi özümsemiş. Ehl-i Rey ve Ehl-i Hadis arasındaki entelektüel çekişmeyi iyi özetlemiş ve tartışmanın temelini teşkil eden soru(n)ları yerinde tespit etmiş. Üçüncüsü, bunu esasen İslam denilince aklına IŞİD, El Kaide falan gelen ortalama ABD kamuoyuna yönelik yazmış, çok da iyi yapmış. Güzel yani, eleştirilerim bir tarafa, okunmalı, tartışılmalı.

[Naim al-Kalantani · Rating 5 out of 5]

Dibahagikan kepada tiga bahagian. Bahagian pertama dan kedua lebih kepada peredaran sejarah liberalisme dan politik Zaman Pertengahan, Utmaniyyah, Turki, dan beberapa kawasan lain.

BAHAGIAN TIGA lebih menarik perhatian, bertajukkan (1) Kebebasan dari Negara, (2) Untuk Melakukan Dosa, dan (3) Daripada Islam. Dapat diperhatikan disini Akyol semacam 'menolak' 'sumber islam' yang kedua, hadith – baca sendiri kalau nak tahu.

Masalah terjadi kepada kita apabila membaca Kassim Ahmad dan melabel beliau sebagai anti hadith. Apakah yang kau boleh buat jika aku cakap bahawa Akyol juga seorang anti hadith? Kita bermasalah hanya kepada nama Kassim Ahmad kerana 'seorang Kassim Ahmad' menulis idea-idea sebegitu, padahal ada lagi Muslim yang progresif yang lain sama idea dengan beliau. Tetapi hangpa lebih suka baca buku yang kontroversi berbanding buku yang mencerahkan kontroversi tersebut.

[Jim · Rating 4 out of 5]

This book provides a very good eye opening view of Islam!
As one would expect if you stopped to remember that Islam is made up of millions of people cultures, tribes, nationalities, so . . .
there are a wide variety of movements, trends and brands that have existed and do exist within the whole framework.

We in the west need to be much more careful at labeling and determining that we know what people think, when in fact we are simply expressing our ignorance and worse our imperialistic attitude of not really caring about another human being.

[Caleb Hintze · Rating 3 out of 5]

3.5 stars. This is a love letter to Turkey 🇹🇷 in a lot of ways. It’s a great history and review of Islam that highlights the government types that Islamic people have tried over the generations since the prophet. This perspective on history and commentary of Islam and liberalism was fascinating. It just got wordy for me at times. I think if Inalresdy had the Islamic background and context, this would have been an easier read for me. Enjoyed it. Might read again

[Kathryn Lane · Rating 5 out of 5]

Islam without Extremes - A Muslim Case for Liberty by Mustafa Akyol is an enlightening book. The author researched the topic all the way back to Islam's beginnings in the sixth century, stating many examples of early liberalism and democracy in Islam and proposed reasons why Muslims should embrace these concepts today. The book was not only enlightening to read but also eloquently written.

[Roger DeBlanck · Rating 5 out of 5]

Akyol’s empowering book makes clear how both the open-mindedness of the Qur’an and the early history of Islam do not reveal the origins of many modern day problems of rules, codes, and laws that restrict people throughout Muslim countries. His studies of the causes of restrictive Islamic societies have identified how customs, traditions, attitudes, and mindsets are what produce authoritarian practices. This means that Islamic scripture is not the source of oppressive regimes. To the contrary, the Qur’an is quite democratic and open to freedom, tolerance, and reason. In fact, the Qur’an reveals nothing about the creation of an Islamic state, a global caliphate, or a religious police force. Instead, Akyol shows how it is the non-Islamic traditions and customs that are guilty of causing oppression and brutality. This can seem baffling to people in the West, but the fact is that acts of oppression are discouraged and forbidden in Qur’anic scripture, and so Akyol points out how authoritarianism is the result of an “illiberal mindset” that remains too pervasive throughout Muslim societies.

Furthermore, Akyol explains how the original Muslim community, the ummah, which Muhammad led as a teacher and reformer, revolved around God, thereby asking humans to do good by one another, and it is only God who would be the judge of each individual’s actions and behavior. Therefore, each person had freedoms, including their choice of worship, and so Muhammad established an equitable society of human rights and just laws based on God’s revelations. This enabled him to declare equality among men and women and among all classes and races. He forbid blood feuds and modeled a lifestyle of kindness, compassion, and almsgiving. In short, the life Muhammad exemplified was based on rationalism and reason in asking people to find God in the Qur’anic revelations and also to reflect upon nature itself and its inherent laws regarding what is right and wrong among humans. In fact, the Qur’an even allows for disbelief, albeit with a warning of hellfire for those who stray into sin.

The schisms in Islam resulted when Muhammad did not leave an appointed successor, so the dilemma began of how to preserve and promote Islam and who had the power and legitimacy to do so. The traditionalists demanded strict, literal interpretations of doctrine. They wanted no individualistic reason applied to understanding the intent of the scriptures or the words of Muhammad, collected as the hadith. Akyol shows, however, that many of Muhammad’s “sayings” cannot be verified, especially the ones that contradict Qur’anic scripture. Akyol says, “So, whenever a state decides to make the Shariah its official legal code, it inevitably will opt for one of its many possible interpretations and dismiss all others. And, in that case, ‘the law of God’ will cease to be the law of God. It will simply be the law of men—ones who are self-righteous and arrogant enough to claim to know the mind of God.”

To the contrary, the rationalists saw clearly how the Qur’an allowed for human reason to capture the spirit and intent of the surahs. Akyol advocates how the Qur’an’s open-minded intent must be considered in order to ensure its vitality, relevance, and eternalness for all people in every generation. Unfortunately, throughout Islamic history, the traditionalists took control over most law making ability in order to marginalize the rationalist approach to freedom and liberalism with interpreting the Qur’an and developing a sincere relationship with God. The result of abandoning reason across many Muslim societies led to Islam drifting farther from its open-minded origins as revealed in the Qur’an and as exemplified by the original ummah, the community Muhammad led and taught.

In addition, Akyol’s outstanding book makes clear that the colonial pressures and injustices inflicted against Islam are what have caused political anger. The vast majority of Muslims do not hate Christians, Jews, Americans, or modernism, but many in the Muslim world often strongly disapprove of American policy and rhetoric, which then causes Muslim aversion to Western intentions and motivations. With his extraordinary research and understanding of Islamic history, Aykol details how Turkey’s history has shown many signs that it can be a model for advocating liberal ideas in harmony with Islamic trends.

[Henry S · Rating 4 out of 5]

Could have done without the history lesson of Turkey in the middle chapters, but take nothing away from what is an empowering look at the enduring lessons and beauty of Islam.

[Mansur · Rating 3 out of 5]

Muslim World Book Review, volume 33, issue 3, spring 2013, pp. 44-47

Book Review:

Islam Without Extremes: A Muslim Case for Liberty

Mustafa Akyol

New York, W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 2011

P.p. 352. ISBN 978-039070866



Reviewed by Dr Mansur Ali

Cardiff University



Since the emergence of Islam on the modern political scene starting; from the Islamic revolution of Iran through the Rushdie affair to September 11 and beyond, a plethora of apologetic literature, both popular and academic, were produced to balance the existing bias with regards to public perception of Islam. Akyol’s Islam Without Extreme: A Muslim Case for Liberty attempts to go beyond apology. It is an attempt by the author to show to the world that where Islam has become synonymous with extremism, at least an interpretation of Islam can conform to ideas of Western liberal democracy.

The book is divided into three sections. Starting with autobiographical anecdotes, the author sets the contours of the book. As an eight year old, the author frequented his grandfather’s place to learn Arabic and the fundamentals of his religion. One day in his grandfather’s library he stumbled upon a prayer book which had three quotes written on the back. The two from the Qur’an deeply touched him whereas the one from the hadith (about beating children when they don’t pray) horrified and troubled him. He could not fathom his grandfather talking rudely to him let alone beat him. Not satisfied with his grandfather’s explanation, the author, 30 years later, after extensive study of Islam comes to realise that this oppressive mind-set has permeated the core of Muslim scholarship and society. He asks, ‘is this what really Islam enjoins?’

After thorough research, he comes to the conclusion that Islam is not to be blamed for this oppressive mind-set. Under two further sub-headings: ‘understanding just how brutal Islam is,’ and ‘understanding how brutal non-Islam can be’, he comes to the conclusion that authoritarianism is not associated with Islam a priori. Rather authoritarianism is a symptom of an illiberal mind-set due to deep seated political cultures and social structures in that part of the world. This is also the case with non-Muslim countries such as Russia and China. In other words could authoritarian Muslims be authoritarians who just happened to be Muslims? Through personal experience, the author is convinced that the only way that Muslims will flourish is through embracing liberty in all its manifestations. The rest of the book is an attempt to prove why this is not impossible.

In part 1, Akyol explains how Islam started off as an apolitical movement and how throughout the life of the Prophet a spirit of pluralism dominated the teachings of the Prophet. He then goes onto to discuss how Muslims, post- the Prophet, developed an illiberal reductionist understanding of the religion. The culprit to be blamed for this is Mr Hanbal (sic) ‘the radical cleric’ and a ‘petty landlord’ the chief of the literalists (ahl al-Hadith). A literalist reading of the Qur’an coupled with excessive reliance on hadith texts, which was like a ‘telephone game’, created a culture that heavily imposed limitations on the intellect. In contrast, the Murji’ites (postponers) in particular Abu Hanifa (?) were true pluralists as they postponed judgements about people to God. Their offshoot the Qadrites and the Mu’tazilites (the rationalists), through their arguments for the freedom of will and ontological truth and justice sowed the first seed towards an Islamic liberalism. However with the literalist gaining the upper hand Islamdom was reduced to a ‘Hadith wasteland’.

The defenders of reason stood no chance against their opponents. How could they when even the forces of nature were against them? Akyol believes that the war of ideas between the rationalists and their opponents is only the tip of the iceberg. The real cause of difference lies in the ‘desert beneath the iceberg’ and even as deep down as the environment. To put it simply, hadith scholars where of Arab Bedouin stock, fatalistic, tribal, ‘dislike changes as per Arab culture’ , ‘communal in nature’, ‘anti-luxurious’ had a penchant for the concrete and an aversion for the abstract iqta’ loving landlords who lacked dynamism and were followed by the less-educated classes. In contrast, the rationalists where non-Arabs from the merchant class who were well-educated, cosmopolitan intellectuals with an exposure to various traditions, philosophies and people. The arid land of the Middle East with its flat topography is also, at rock bottom, a perpetrator in fashioning this illiberal mind-set.

This analysis leads the author to ask that if the lack of economic dynamism was a cause for the stagnation of Islam, can Islamic liberalism be revived through a rebirth of economic dynamism in the Islamic lands? To answer this question the author turns his attention, in part two of the book, to the case of modern Turkey.

For the author, Turkey is a synthesis of Islam, democracy and capitalism with its free market economy. The reason for this is that the seat of the Ottoman power was in a geo-strategic position as it was on the fringe of the Muslim world bordering Christendom. Since Turkey didn’t have the same experience of being colonized like the Arab countries it was able to learn from the West the value of freedom and liberty. He blames colonization for the disintegration of ijtihad and individualism and the rise of jihad and communitarianism in the Muslim world. The author believes that Turkey is the new way forward towards a middle-class culture which revitalises Islamic values with the modern context. However, this will not come without any hindrance. And in the next section the author posits some ‘signposts on the liberal road.’

Section three is an exposition of three key areas which the author had identified as hindrance towards a theology of liberty: They are freedom from the State, freedom to sin and freedom from Islam. Through an analysis of textual and historical sources, he arrives at the conclusion that for an individual to prosper in spiritual growth, no outside forces can interfere with his relation to God. Hence the Islamic State is not a requirement, a person should not be coerced into leaving sins which is not synonymous to crime and a person should be given the liberty of renouncing Islam without the fear of execution.

At this point a few observations are in order. First and foremost, this book is trying to do more than the pages would allow and therefore a lot of the discussions are superficial and not nuanced. For example any discussion on environmental determinism in understanding the mind-set of hadith scholars has to explain the fact that six out of six of the authors of the canonical hadith collections were not Arabs but Central Asians. The author gives the impression that the al-Maturidi was sympathetic towards the Mu’taziltes whereas al-Maturidi wrote no less than five refutations on the Mu’tazilites. There is also an issue of the sources that the author uses. One wonders why the author confines himself to the studies carried out by Schacht, Crone, Lewis on hadith and not consult the works of scholars such as Motzki, Jonathan Brown, Lucas to get the other side of the story. The author argues that the roots of individualism and liberalism are found in the Qur’an. One can argue that this is merely reading into the Qur’an what the author holds to be of value. This is not new, Ameer Ali found in the Qur’an the whole moral code of Victorian England and Muhammad Qutb read the Qur’an through socialist lens. In the last section the author states that alcohol should not be banned and in a country where alcohol is banned it cannot be proven if people are observant of the law. Whilst in theory this is true, how pragmatic is it? Why criminalise drugs or prostitution if it is consensual and there is no exploitation involved?

In conclusion it can be said that if this is an apology for Islam the author has done a good job. On the other hand if this is a serious attempt to reform Islam and is meant for practicing Muslims, the author needs to carry out original research and not weave a narrative out of secondary sources especially the works of anti-Muslims like Bernard Lewis and Bat Ye’or and the tabloid press. One has good examples of this in high quality research carried out by Muslim scholars such as Sherman Jackson.

[Mustafa · Rating 5 out of 5]

Islam as a religion has become so sullied over recent ages that muslims living in communities that are culturally westernised are often met wth covert cynicism, media-induced paranoias and character assassinations on a daily basis. Muslims living in non-culturally westernised societies (which categorically refers to those from middle eastern regions i.e Syria, Iraq, Palestine) have much bigger problems: civil war, repression, being collateral damage in the war on terror etc. This book explains why events today are unfolding as it is by describing the historical context behind Islam's developments since its origins and puts forth a very compelling case for Islamic liberalization.

One of the most brilliant sections of the book is when Akyol offers his two cents to the "Romans" of our era (AKA Amurica) on thwarting Islamic extremism. Akoyl argues that that the only way to truly stifle Islamism and Jihadism is if the West are able to convince Muslims around the world that Islam as a religion is not under attack. He explains that while it seems like many Western societies are already spreading messages of world peace and respect, these messages do not get across enough for the following reasons:

1) Most Muslims believe that U.S. rhetoric does not correspond to actual policies, and they point to certain aspects of American foreign policy that they perceive as harmful to Muslim nations such as the four-decade-long plight of the Palestinians, which has become an iconic Muslim tragedy.

2) Muslims often hear from the west only its most hostile rhetorics. For instance a republican's suggestion on Fox news that America should bomb Mecca as a response to Islamic terrorism received extensive media coverage in Muslim countries triggering mass hysteria and outrage whereas President Obama's speeches of peace, respect and integration of muslim communities in Ankara and Cairo received little to no coverage. This tendency to perceive the most radical elements in another society as its mainstream and the media's focus on lunatics have thwarted the West's attempts in engaging Muslims in the Middle East.

3) Nations from the East and the West perceive time differently. While Americans often think in terms of current events, which are constantly changing, people form the middle east think in terms of history. The US occupation of Iraq in 2003 was seen as a one-off event to many Americans. To Muslims however, it was yet another invasion- after those of the Crusaders, Mongols, Napolean and European colonizers.

Akyol further goes on to acknowledge that Muslims have a greater responsibility than the west in the war against Islamic extremism and the progression of the Islamic world. He urges Muslims to pursue freedom from the political Islam, one which is tarnished with cultural prehistoric baggage and political dogma, imploring them to focus the advancement of Islam’s faith and culture—through arts and sciences, evangelism and advocacy, education, charity and media. He argues that the only way the Islamic world can achieve this and coexist with the Western world is if they reinvent their political system into one that is based on equality and freedom, very much like the original Medina city-state that Prophet Muhammad founded on the basis of equality with the Jews.

[Ted · Rating 4 out of 5]

I know the author, who was a short-term fellow in the think tank where I work and wrote a paper on a similar theme for us, and I already admired his work. But I was impressed with this short book. It compellingly makes the case that Islam was a liberalizing force within Arabia and the Middle East in the seventh and eighth century, a faith of merchants, and that pre-existing traditions and the conservatism of the desert which triumphed by the third century of the faith are largely responsible for the more unsavory rules associated with it. Akyol also tells Turkey's story well as an example of the possibilities of Islamic liberalism and the risks of secular authoritarianism, and explores the reasons for the rise of ultraconservative groups across the Muslim world in the late 20th century and beyond. Going to print in July 2013, Akyol is also judicious about the increasingly alarming illiberal democracy / electoral authoritarianism that Erdogan has created as he consolidates power further, the hope of Ennahda's more liberal Islam in Tunisia, the folly of the coup against Morsi and the Brotherhood in Egypt. But rather than being a snapshot of a moment, the book is at its core an argument in favor of a liberal Islam that can welcome true freedom of religion, with justification from the Qur'an. If I were to recommend one book about Islam to friends, it might well be this over a more straightforward introduction. I can only question Akyol's optimism given my fears that the spoilers within societies can lead us all to ruin (both democracy and liberalism are necessary - all else is illegitimate in my POV - but they are fragile, and have trouble defending themselves in difficult situations).

[Faiz Azizan · Rating 4 out of 5]

Before reading this book, i already had the idea of liberalism (rationalist) vs conservatism (traditionist) that is constantly put forward by Akyol's fellow writer, Reza Aslan. The idea of liberalism of Akyol, along with the example of Turkey politics and its history, is very eye opening. It made me to realize, Islamic gov of Middle East is not necessarily the definition of how an Islamic government should be. In fact, Akyol even tackled some issues regarding the perception of Western powers in seeing Islam as the main threat to the idea of democracy and liberalism (also with the unlikely help from present day illeberal and strict Islamic government), where of all fallen Islamic empire, the Ottoman who had achieved it.

To summarize, part 1, as all other Islamic history+political book, the story would be about the Prophet Muhammad the politics during his time and it is nice for the newbies to understand more about the early Islam civilization.

Part 2, history of politics of Turkey until today. Very complex and eventhough Akyol did a very good job in presenting the politics and history of his country, but to put all at only one part of 300 (excluding glossary) would be inadequate and make it more complex for people to understand in one reading without any research.

Part 3, the best part because Akyol presented his idea and thoughts on many critical things regarding Islam such as Islamic government, Shariah laws and freedom of human beings.

[Vinod Narayan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mustafa Akyol’s “ISLAM without Extremes” is a must read for every muslim and non-muslim. A relevant and important book for our times that takes you through the historical and political terrain on which many interpretations have been made. I hope this book will be followed by more strong voices from the liberal camp that will emerge and bring forth the needed harmony in thought and beliefs.

The book comes out as a powerful cry from a devote muslim who sees his religion being interpreted wrongly from inside and accused blindly from the outside. Taking the reader through the history of Islam and the political settings from the pre Quranic era to the present he opens up the issues one by one explaining how misinterpretations has travelled through time.

http://www.vinodnarayan.com/opinions/...

[Hamid Harasani · Rating 2 out of 5]

It has some interesting analysis. However, the author has various misquotations of Islamic jurists that are wrongly used by him to re-enforce his views. I also found him contradictory; on the one hand he accepts the Sunnah, and on the other hand, when the Sunnah is in conflict with his view, he becomes a Qurani and dismisses the Sunnah as a Post-Quranic tradition.

In brief, from an Islamic juristic basis, the author's arguments are quite weak. But he is a journalist and writes as such, and therefore his writing is gripping.

[Nouman Asghar · Rating 4 out of 5]

" Liberty is, you could also say, what everyone needs to find GOD."

Mustafa Akyol (Turkish writer)presents cogent case on the source of liberalism & democracy that exists within the faith.His ventures into geographic determinism is an interesting omission which is well embraced in this book.


Timely Book & HIGHLY RECOMMENDED.

[Yasser Jabri · Rating 5 out of 5]

Great book, very similar in approach to "No God but God" of Reza Aslan. Both trying to promote the liberal Islam.

[Cemkaan · Rating 5 out of 5]

It was a serious research.

[Šejla Hadžić · Rating 4 out of 5]

A very informative and useful book, where the author is trying to answer multiple questions: How is it possible that a religion that completely transformed the harsh society of the Arabian peninsula, the one that brought rights to women, invites the coexistence of people of different faiths, inspires medieval scientists for the groundbreaking research at the time and at the same time encourages people to do good (to mention just a few positive aspects) is today seen in such a negative way by the western societies? How did Islam and its interpretations change after the death of the prophet Muhammed (pbuh) and how did different schools of thought form? On his way to find the answer to some of his questions, he gives the explanation for the misinterpretations of Islam in some societies of today, for example, Saudi Arabia. He criticizes societies where religious duties are forced on people and emphasizes that such practices create a community filled with hypocrites, rather than true believers. And although I was interested in the topic I felt like I was not the correct audience for this book. At the same time, I feel that the extremist, who could benefit from such a read, will not reach for this title, unfortunately.

[Tranhieu0410 · Rating 4 out of 5]

Does Muslim make people prone to be fanaticism?
In the book, Mustafa briefs the history of the religion, its spreading and explains why some part has became extreme. I have learnt quite a lot about Muslim from Quran, Hadith, Shariah and the difference between Shia and Sunni, Traditionalist and Rationalist. The Muslim as a religion is not only influence followers but also absorb tribal tradition, arid climate, and complex geography. Several reasons are making extreme Muslim, including wrong interpretation, Western invaders during the 20th century ... The author takes the Ottoman empire (and Turkey now) as a model for a secular nation where religion is compatible with freedom. The long and unique journey of Turkey shed hope on solving the problem of Muslim with the contemporary world.
"The Muslim phenomenon is more political than religious" - Mustafa Akyol

[Abdul Noormohamed · Rating 4 out of 5]

The extent of “what the West owes to Islam” is debated frequently among historians. There is, for example, an interesting theory on the possible Islamic origins of the British common law, which clearly resembles the Shariah in its “judge-made” nature—different from the state-imposed Roman law tradition of continental Europe. But obvious exports from Islamdom to the West can easily be traced today in English words with Arabic roots. A short list would include algebra, alchemy, alkali, almanac, amalgam, alembic, admiral, alcove, mask, muslin, nadir, zenith, tariff, sugar, syrup, checkmate, lute, and guitar. And, of course, there are the Arabic numerals.

[Karim Alwani · Rating 5 out of 5]

Highly recommended for anyone trying to understand the transformation of ideas, practice and community in the history of Muslims.
The distinction between what is obligatory and what is optional, between what is divine and what is interpreted and between what is cultural/societal/political and what is 'religious' makes it a very interesting reading material.
Special focus on the Turkish history and contemporary society also presents a test case of transition.

[Hazremi Hamid · Rating 5 out of 5]

A book that changed my perspective about Islam. The perception of Islam being associated with setback, uncivilized religion has been redefined in this book by going back to the early history of Islam and how it shaped the modern Islam in the view of a Turkish. The defeat of progressive group in Islam was the corner stone of radical Islam until present time. The book is highly recommended for those who would like to know that Islam can be practiced without extremism.