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278 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1972
“When in the spring of 1967 the tiny Caribbean island of Anguilla rebelled against independence and in favor of colonialism, the action was so misunderstood by the islanders’ ex-mother country, Great Britain, that two years later the English invaded the place with 315 paratroopers in a witless attempt to put the rebellion down. Since British rule was exactly what the Anguillans had been asking for, this was a military expedition doomed by its presumptions to plunge into defeat, humiliated rather than slaughtered, but resoundingly trounced for all that.”Donald E. Westlake took an interest in this curious reversal of history’s norms and wrote Under an English Heaven, published in 1972. (He later said in an interview that, in hindsight, a better title might have been a line from the British national anthem — “Confound Their Enemies.” I’m not sure I agree.)
“A brief reminder here. Anguilla did not rebel against colonial rule; Anguilla rebelled against independence. After 317 years of neglect and mismanagement as a colony, Anguilla rebelled three months after being set free. Now of course this runs absolutely counter to the flow of contemporary history, and it was very hard for anybody to believe that a tiny group of six thousand people was fighting against independence and for colonialism. In fact, it was sometimes hard for the Anguillans themselves to keep it straight. Revolutionary rhetoric is all geared in one direction, and it’s hard to make yourself understood if you’re trying to go the other way.”
“So on the one side we have Anguilla, which is independent and wants to be a colony, and on the other side we have the Third Subcommittee of the Special Committee on Colonialism, which wants every colony in the world set free by sundown.”
“The day after the Anguillans realized they’d rebelled—which is to say, two days after the rebellion—Peter Adams sent a telegram to U Thant at the United Nations. It outlined the problem and asked the “United Nations and men of goodwill everywhere for help.” Never has a rebellion turned so consistently to authority rather than from it. The rebel flag, flying at the airport and all over the island, was Great Britain’s flag, the Union Jack.”
“Anguilla had firmly declared that she was/wasn’t dependent/independent, had made an irrevocable decision and was willing to talk it over. And that’s definite.”
“To anybody anywhere who has ever believed anything that any Government ever said about anything …”Observations on British Colonial Politics (as applied to the Caribbean Islands):
“Their choice, as it turned out, was a wise one; Ronald Webster was rich, he was dedicated, he was tireless, he was uncompromised, he was determined, and he had guts.”
“So far as the Anguillans could see, Ronald Webster had been snubbed. No one was happy about it, but the most actively unhappy were the young hooligans of the Defence Force. They went home and got out their rifles and tried to decide how to even the score for Mr. Webster. The first thing they did was kidnap a turkey.”
“That’s Anguilla all over, that absolutely sums up the place. Everybody runs for everything as an independent. (…) Well, if they didn’t want statehood or Bradshaw or the Trinity of St. Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla, what did they want? Other signs were glad you asked that question: “We want to be free,” one of them said. “We don’t want Statehood we want England,” another said, and this was seconded by a sign reading, “No statehood for Anguilla seeking care of England.” (…) In fact, the only thing all Anguillans have ever agreed on, agree on now, or are likely to agree on in the future, is that they want nothing to do with Robert Bradshaw or the state he leads.”
“The majority of Anguillans think that the only course open now is to work towards secession from St. Kitts for it appears that Nature herself did not design them to be together; they want to be able to decide their own future.”
“In 1958, the British Government attempted to unload practically all its Caribbean holdings, ten island colonies stuffed together into something resembling a loosely packed snowball thrown at a passing bus.” (…) “It may be appropriate here to mention the old description of a camel as a horse designed by a committee, and to suggest that perhaps a federation is a country designed by a committee.”“Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent.”
“The result was, on February 14, Lord Jellicoe raised in the House of Lords the question of whether or not it was a bad idea to give independence to a nation simultaneous with its breaking apart. Speaking in reply for the Government, Lord Beswick said he understood things were really all right, the necessary legislation for local councils on Nevis and Anguilla had already been drafted. This answer combined vagueness with inaccuracy in perfect proportions to stifle the discussion.”
“But Lord Shepherd wasn’t of a mind to listen to arguments that didn’t aim at getting Anguilla back into the box where she belonged.”
“On the same day that Henry Hall was failing to hear himself be booed, demonstrated against and shot at, the beauty-contest incident was moving into a new stage. (…) Governor Sir Fred Phillips had received a report from the local-government expert, Peter Johnston, saying there had been no serious trouble on Anguilla. Mr. Henry Hall, sent to the colony by Mrs. Judith Hart two weeks later, where he was shouted at, shoved around and perhaps shot at, returned to England to claim there had been no disturbances. And now Mr. Arthur Bottomley, the British Minister for Overseas Development, having gone to Anguilla to help the islanders “celebrate” Statehood Day, and having received a variant on the same treatment as his predecessors, also returned home to insist that nothing had happened.”
“On February 27, 1967, statehood had come to the former colony of St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, and on Anguilla the new state flag had been raised in a guarded secret ceremony by the Warden, Vincent Byron, in his pajamas. He was in his pajamas once more on the night of March 8 when his official residence burned to the ground and he leaped out an upstairs window just in the nick of time. He left Anguilla the next day, and things were fairly quiet until the night of March 20, when shots were fired into the police station, manned as usual by the police from St. Kitts. On the twenty-first of March, in London, Mr. George Thomas, speaking as Minister of State at the Commonwealth Office, and replying in the House of Commons to questions raised by the Conservative Opposition, said, “I am not aware that any difficulties have arisen since the inauguration of statehood.”
“Things were obviously building to a climax. Obvious in Anguilla, that is; not so obvious in London, where the Government was still pleased to report that everything was just fine. Hundreds of shots had been fired but—possibly because no one had been killed—the British Government hadn’t heard a one of them.”
“The reason for the pressure was the Anguillan delegation’s insistence that they couldn’t sign anything until the people back home had had a chance to look it over. As the Wooding Report put it, one of the “factors which contributed to the failure of the Barbados Conference” was “the apparent practice in Anguilla that all important issues must be resolved by reference to the people.” Which sounds very much like a definition of democracy. Whatever it sounds like, the British didn’t like the sound of it. (…) We dwellers in the metropoli have been calling our republics “democracies” for so long that we tend to be baffled and uneasy when we run across the real thing.”
“The Trinidad Guardian summed up the meetings: “Interim report on the current interim Conference on the ‘Interim Agreement’ on Anguilla:—No progress, no confrontation, no compromise, no cash, no comment.”
“Which raises the question of Tony Lee’s part in all this. He knew the island and its leaders by now better than any other Englishman, and his role in this day’s activities was essentially liaison between the British and the Anguillans, but the depth of ignorance that each side showed about the other’s plans and attitudes makes one wonder. Maybe Tony Lee actually did fail to give Whitlock an accurate picture of the circumstances on the island. Or maybe Whitlock thought so little of Lee—a “diplomatic mercenary,” as Sir John Rodgers later called him—that he didn’t bother to listen. Or maybe it was both, with Lee soft-pedaling anything that would conflict with Whitlock’s preconceptions and Whitlock busily giving him less than half an ear. One recalls that Lee’s reports about Anguilla had been ignored in London for something over a year.”
“Whitlock, and his misconceptions, and his assistants handing out oranges at a children’s party, had been isolated. Which happens to rude people the world over.”
“However, the British—the big baby—had already determined on a move that simplifies all situations, no matter how complicated. Nothing in this world strips away the complexities like a good rousing war.”
“And so the last piece clicked into place, and the Anguillan rebellion ended as it had begun—in confusion. The legal status of the island remained as baffling as ever, but all parties had agreed to ignore the legalities and simply get the job done. Anguilla remains technically one-third of the nation of St. Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla, but does not vote in that nation’s elections, is not represented in that nation’s Legislature, does not pay taxes to or receive funding from that nation, does not fly that nation’s flag, does not feel itself bound by that nation’s laws, and is not connected to that nation’s Civil Service, Police Department or judiciary. Anguilla is definitely not a colony of Great Britain, but is governed by a British Commissioner appointed by the Queen.”