While Hamas and Al Qaeda are certainly dangerous to Israel and the West, Hezbollah and its millions of foot soldiers are the premier force in the Middle East.
Veteran Middle East correspondent Thanassis Cambanis offers the first detailed look at the surprising cross section of people willing to die for Hezbollah and its uncompromising agenda to remake the map of the region and destroy Israel.
Thanassis Cambanis is a journalist who has been writing about the Middle East for more than a decade. His latest book chronicles the idealistic and ultimately failed efforts of Egyptian revolutionaries to build a democratic order after Mubarak. His first book, A Privilege to Die: Inside Hezbollah’s Legions and Their Endless War Against Israel, was published in 2010. He writes “The Internationalist” column for The Boston Globe Ideas section, and regularly contributes to The New York Times, The Atlantic, the Globe (where he served as a foreign correspondent in Iraq and the Middle East), and other publications. He is a fellow at The Century Foundation in New York City. Thanassis studied international affairs for a master's degree at Princeton University, and did his undergraduate work at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He lives in Beirut, Lebanon with his wife Anne Barnard, a reporter for The New York Times, and their two children.
"A Privilege to Die" is an excellent history of Hezbollah from 1982 when it was founded until 2011 when the book was published. Cambanis acknowledges that the movement was founded by Iran and that it faithfully followed the doctrine of Ayatollah Khomeini of Velâyat-e Faqih which held that a Muslim state must be ruled by a righteous Shiite jurist. However, he goes to great trouble to show how Hezbollah developed its own character. Cambanis writes: "Hezbollah has established itself as the standard-bearer of Islamism in Lebanon because it has articulated a clear ideology, implemented a comprehensive system of providing services and finally - perhaps most important - it has achieved military success against Israel." (p. 276) Cambanis also shows how its philosophy of martyrdom was different from that of the Sunni Muslim groups that fought against Israel: "The Sunni martyrs whose faces adorned the walls in Gaza and the West Bank are typically young men who had rarely accomplished anything else of note. They were recruited solely to detonate a vest full of metal and explosives among a crowd of civilians. Hezbollah's martyrs were meant to be something else entirely: well trained operatives striking important military objectives, the soul and conscience of their entire community. ... Only men of exceptional battlefield prowess could apply for martyrdom operations. ... A martyrdom operation was meant to cap a notable career and represented the sacrifice of a man of talent." (p. 162) "The culture of resistance dictates an all-inclusive view of Islamic life. ... Men and women who support Hezbollah make themselves immortal by shedding their fear of death and make themselves powerful by joining a worldwide militant movement that exerts disproportionate influence over global affairs." (p. 225) Cambianis includes in his book a fascinating chapter of the Mahdi Scouts which had the task of indoctrinating the youth. Another strength of Hezbollah was the ascetic lifestyles of its leaders. Unlike the leaders of the PLO, the Amal Movement, the Phalangists (Christian), the Progressive Socialist Party (Druze), Hariri Bloc (Sunni), the individuals in charge of Hezbollah had desire to be rich and live in comfort. Cambanis also feels that Hassan Naszrallah who led the movement during the timeframe covered by his book was an extremely skilled leader. Cambianis also addresses the issue of Hezbollah being dependent on Iran to fund its operations. (He thinks that the annual subsidy from Iran was between $25 to $200 million annually from Iran). Losing the funding in the view of Cambianis would certainly create difficulties for Hezbollah but he believed that the organization would still survive. "A Privilege to Die" is an outstanding book that is still highly relevant.
This well-written book gives an incisive history of Lebanon in the 21st century. It also provides a very human portrayal of Hezbollah; by human I do not necessarily imply “good”.
Mr. Cambanis describes Lebanon from Beirut to South Lebanon when the Israelis gave their sledge-hammer assault in 2006. There are accounts ranging from Hezbollah leader Nazrallah to the recruits, both men and women, who provide the sustaining power to this dynamic organization. It’s a total organization not only furnishing indoctrination to its inner recruits but imparting support and social services to the population – whether Shia, Sunni, Christian – from the liberal irreligious to its core adherents. It has been tolerant to the liberals of Lebanon – so far it has made no serious attempt (under Nazrallah) to set up a Shia religious state like in Iran – the drinking and carousing has been observed, but allowed to continue. It’s probably a useful recruitment ploy that gives an outer amiability to Hezbollah for those who are initially suspicious of their demagogic tone. Hezbollah thrives on representing itself in many different ways to Lebanon’s diverse population. But behind the smiling and inviting façade the core philosophy is a complete hatred of Israel and the Jewish people – coupled with a strict intolerant religious view - for the inner members. The author leaves no doubt that the insides of Hezbollah allow no room for self-reflection and dissidence.
They are fixated on a constant “Orwellian War” with Israel – should that disappear – which doesn’t seem likely in the near future given that both sides lack any imagination for dialogue, preferring a constant war of attrition – Hezbollah’s focus could unravel. Hezbollah’s main purpose centers on “hate” (the most useful tool for all 20th century demagogues) for Israel – but a hate that is understandable considering all the years that Israel occupied Lebanon’s territories and its constant use of overwhelming force. However, if there is a readjustment by one side or both - a re-alignment of Arab states for example – the “hate could become dissipated. Hezbollah did not support Hamas when Israel attacked them in 2008 which caused some consternation.
There are many personal views of Hezbollah’s members – some of which are frightening in that they have been indoctrinated with religious zeal, hatred and an obsession with martyrdom – which does not necessarily refer to suicide but dying for the cause. This too - in the long term – may lead to Hezbollah’s diminishment. Tyrants have never lasted and religious idolatry can over time lead to dissatisfaction (as in Iran). Lebanon is still a part of the wider world and these converts may eventually seek other ways to fill their void. The author does not discuss the Sunni-Shia divide in the Muslim world which could also be detrimental to Hezbollah.
But as the author states, Hezbollah is now the leader of the pack and this book gives a most useful resource for understanding both Hezbollah and Lebanon - and the long years of corroding occupation it has undergone from Israel.
I didn't like his writing style and really struggled to continue reading it. It got better at the end. If you can believe the author (since it only seems to be his opinion when he makes grand statements about Hezbollah)I have a new appreciation of Hezbollah and it's ability to become an established force in the Middle East.
Probably the best terrorist organization book I've read this year. Thanassis Cambanis presents a very complex, sometimes mystifying look inside Hezbollah and the citizens of Lebanon who support them. It may be easy to brand every supporter of Hezbollah as some psychotically deranged lover of death, but Cambanis finds a bizarre contradiction among the Lebanese people; on one hand they are perfectly reasoned discussing literature and art, but when discussing Israel and Hezbollah, a hatred of the Jews and a cult like reverence for the leadership of Nasrallah and a willingness to die as a martyr for the cause embodied by Hezbollah. Alongside this willingness to die and the almost god-like reverence for Nasrallah exist the very real ambitions that people throughout the world share of lives with families and friends. These duel features make organizations like Hezbollah particularly difficult to deal with because they can mix apocalyptic ideology with social reforms and have an army of willing believers. To the Western reader, there's something tragically perverse about it, but its' lesson we best listen to, as long as we continue to be involved in the Middle East.
Written by an American journalist, this book chronicles Hizballah's rise and influence among the Shi'a (and others) in Lebanon. The author interviews Hizballah supporters, fighters, and their families, and hence provides insights into the group and its supporters unavailable to most Western audiences. He does a good job of explaining to the reader how Hizballah sells its ideology to its supporters, and how it uses various social services- as well as ideology- to obtain support. The author intersperses his narrative of the Hizballah supporters with background information about the group and its ruthless actions, focusing more on the leaders in this part. He also discusses the anti-Hizballah politicians of Lebanon, and explains their institutional weaknesses and inability to effectively counter Hizballah and its allies.
To my chagrin, I don't understand politics very well. Maybe it's because I'm a female, but enough with sexism! I guess I thought about my hummus when I read this and how Middle Eastern food really is our connection with the Middle East if you don't care or know much about politics. But it was really good for me to know about Hezbollah and Israel and how the people there are so proud of who they are and they're probably much better people than some of us wealthy Americans! REALLY!
This book took a very long time to read, and I'm not entirely sure of why. I wouldn't call it boring or bad, but somehow demanding anyway. Maybe because I know very little about Lebanon and its history, the book felt difficult to read through. I wouldn't recommend it as an introduction.
That being said, it's a fascinating subject. Cambanis' stories about the individuals he meets and interviews are good, and provide a human angle which doesn't really make the subject any less chilling, but somehow easier to get an idea of. All in all I'd say it's a good portrait of a movement, an ideology, a militia with a social profile and its leaders and base in a truly confusing area.
It's written before the civil war in Syria started, so parts of the last chapter where he speculates a little about the future would need an update. Probably not yet, though, when the situation is so chaotic and practically anything can happen.
Really interesting reporting, as Cambanis introduces readers to several Hezbollah members and paints a vivid portrait of them. Some of his broad conclusions lack substantiation, though, and his analysis and characterization of Hezbollah ends up sounding as if it's based too heavily on his relationship with the informants whose stories he tells in the text. I was more interested in the writer's take on Nasrallah's "cult of personality." Those who've been studying Lebanese politics longer might be already familiar with such critiques, but as a relative beginner I learned something about how the leader uses sometimes self-effacing humor in his speeches and maintains a persona full of paradox.