In 2019, Singaporean journalist, Chun Han Wong, was one of the first in a recent wave of reporters to be expelled from mainland China; some suddenly, others having their visa renewal requests denied at the eleventh hour. “Party of One” is a collection of well-researched ideas on the evolution of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) activities, with the locus centered on Xi Jinping. Chun boasts dozens of well-placed sources with their views on everything from the upbringing of Xi Jinping to the CCP leader’s tightening grip on power and control of CCP activities, opinions, thoughts and strategy.
Xi was the son of a senior CCP leader who then fell out of favor and was imprisoned by the Red Guard. Despite the treatment against his father, and the fact that his mother was forced, in one instance, to disown him for fear of CCP reprisal, Xi maintained his political vigor through seven years of hard rural labor. After ten attempts (Kerry Brown writes nine) at joining the CCP, he finally succeeds and begins his political career in a rural village. Whatever his personal grudges against the failings of Mao’s policies, Xi carefully crafted his career, aided most certainly by well-placed family members and political favors, especially after Xi’s father was released from prison.
According to Chun, Xi understood the influence behind the Fajia (legalism) system and Confucian thought as they could be applied to China’s specific cultural context. As burdensome as the risk-averse, paperwork-heavy, meeting-fatiguing, ritualistic bureaucratic system was, it was the necessary cost of legislating morality and ensuring CCP influence across government institutions.
Party of One goes in to detail on the evolution of the surveillance state under Xi. Chen Quanguo is described as the mastermind behind the strategy to control and coerce Xinjiang into a more compliant and Han Chinese province. Quanguo first experimented with the surveillance tactics in Hebei and Tibet before applying the most recent and strictest version to Xinjiang under Xi (pg. 106). In a way, Chun claims that the digital surveillance state is replacing the role of civil society and NGOs as a means to voice complaints and institute government accountability. The big difference is that under Xi the dissenting voice is silent and AI can be wielded towards any number of CCP-promoting community stabilizing actions.
Xi benefited, earlier in his leadership, from his friendship with Wang Qishan, then chief of the Central Committee for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), whose role it was to ensure CCP loyalty. In 2015, armed with a new law against “discussing party center politics”, the CCDI threw a wide net against corrupt activities, catching a few of Xi’s opponents in the mix. The 2018 National Supervisory Commission (NSC), another tool in Xi’s arsenal, solidified his authority. Xi was careful to keep his name, if not personal activity, out of corrupt corners. In a way, Xi’s personal example of financial responsibility lends some credence to his counter-corruption sweeps. At the same time, it is still illegal to question, mention, much less investigate by anyone other than the NSC or CCDI, allegations against senior party members; to the ire of journalists like Chun Han Wong.
Pondering the counterfactuals in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) developmental growth, WTO integration and CCP leadership selection through the 80’s, 90’s and early 2000’s is a fascinating exercise, especially when one adds the Xi ingredient. According to journalists like Chun, the modern PRC is Xi, wielding unchecked power and unquestioned authority. China’s economic achievements and development successes must take a back seat to what Chun appears to believe is the dangerous, Xi-driven Party of One.
Xi’s party has aspirations beyond China (which includes expanding borders, some might say). The book analyzes the ways and means of China’s foreign influence to include the Belt and Road Initiative; China’s method for rivaling the economic competition. The book ends with a synopsis of China’s relations with its neighbors and their balance strategies, diplomatic approaches and concerns. Before the final chapter on Xi’s upheaving of the CCP leadership succession scheme, Chun considers Taiwan.
Intentionally or not, the Taiwan chapter feels like a climax to Chun’s thesis. For a number of decades, East Asia was more-or-less at ease with the ambiguous status of Taiwan. The thriving, impressive and solid democracy of Taiwan itself juxtaposed against Xi’s ambitions are stirring the hurricane’s winds of conflict. Taiwan has come to symbolize or at least test the waters of what global geopolitics might hold in the future. Ending the book with Taiwan is a statement on its own, suggesting what Asian politics should take a more hawkish view of China’s dream.
Xi Jinping may not BE the CCP. On the opposite extreme, China’s national and global aspirations are not economic wins all around, as the CCP would lead the world to believe. The reality is somewhere in the middle. The best studies of China conclude from within the Middle Kingdom and not merely speculation from without. Chun had a keen inside look for quite some time, his book is worth a read. There was a time when analysts speculated that Xi might be a quiet reformer, considering his family’s condition under Mao. For journalists like Chun, they give Xi no benefit of the doubt.