Mr. Juan Gonzalez produced an interesting and in-depth look at the consequences of empire building that examines the unique situation of the Western Hemisphere. His analysis is broken into three major sections: roots, branches and harvest. Each part contributes to a whole analysis which, though nearly two decades old, speaks to our modern times and the extensive problems that still exist after his powerful warnings so many years ago. The roots deals with the period from 1500-1950, the branches looks at the various countries that are the source of Latin American immigration and harvest deals with the consequences. Interestingly, harvest carries a positive connotation, but the United States needs to change its approach if it hopes to reap the potential positivity of that harvest.
First on the list of important history lessons is the appropriation of Native American land by Europeans. This was certainly not the focus of the book, but the author gives attention to the genocide of indigenous peoples in North and South America. Notably, he provides clear evidence of the fact that Europeans knew their conduct toward indigenous people was criminal. Las Casa’s was a vocal opponent of how the indigenous population was treated: “….his polemics were among the most popular books in Europe.” (p. 12) So when people claim that the Europeans at the time did not know their conduct was criminal; here is good evidence to the contrary. Mr. Gonzalez also provides evidence supporting the powerful democratic ideals of the Iroquois nation helping to smash the myth of European exceptionalism with regard to these ideals.
Second, the history of secondary territorial conquest is laid out in detail. As Spain weakened in Europe their conquered lands in North America became vulnerable. Citizens of the recently formed United States aggressively occupied Spanish conquered lands which still had many indigenous nations within their borders. A principal drive behind this was the expansion of slavery. Over several decades the United States expanded into these areas – but met a largely Spanish speaking population. Naturally they extended the usual terrorism to whomever they met, Native or Hispanic.
Third, the beginning of the long history of economic oppression is addressed in the “roots” section. Mr. Gonzalez details the extensive incursions of United States companies into the nations of Latin America, the initial debt burdens and associated military invasions and threats of invasion that accompanied the mercantile imperialism of the 1800s. These amounted to numerous instances which are outlined in considerable detail. The weaponization of debt extended into the 1900s and became even more deeply entwined with the region, to the detriment of the nations and their citizens. These roots eventually led to the infamous cases of ruthless dictators – consistently imposed on the population after the United States assisted or directly overthrew democratically elected leaders; so much for democratic ideals. And with that another myth of democratic exceptionalism of the United States is smashed.
In the branches section many themes that cut across racial lines are seen – making the clear case for the ties that bind oppressed groups together. For instance, just like African American veterans of World War II, Mexican American and Puerto Rican veterans believed, “…they had earned a place at the American table.” (p. 86) But this belief did not translate into a real place at that proverbial table – which has always been and still is reserved only for one group or for people who assimilate. What should have been a truth from the time of, “all men are created equally” still was not a truth for any of these upholders of democracy in the name of the United States. This was still true even after these groups fought in Viet Nam. The educational assault by white supremacist textbooks is an experience also encountered by both groups – in particular in Puerto Rico the residents were forced to receive instruction in English, they were taught nothing of Puerto Rican history or culture, which led to widespread instances of dropping out of school. This is a typical ploy of the white supremacist education system designed to make the oppressed group feel the need to forget their past and the oppression wrought by the oppressor.
Mr. Gonzalez goes on, in this section, to outline the numerous and extensive ways in which the United States negatively influenced all of the Latin American nations – a veritable catalog of usurious loans, false promises, military invasions and support for the most repressive and anti-democratic regimes in 20th century history. For instance, over a quarter of a million civilians in the Central American region died, “. . . .mostly at the hands of their own soldiers or from right-wing death squads, and invariable from weapons made in the U.S.A., since in each country our government provided massive military aid to the side doing most of the killing.” (p. 131)
Naming just a few of the examples of the seeds that were planted, the author outlines: 1) the Samoza dynasty of tyrants and the use of the CIA drug sales to arm the Conta rebels; 2) the ouster of democratically elected President Arbenz of Guatemala leading to decades of civil war; 3) billions in arms and military training to the El Salvadoran military which went toward the killing of thousands of civilians; and 4) the invasion of the Dominican Republic by Marines to support a military coup which overthrew a democratically elected leader. And from these seeds, in short the United States harvest was refugees from civil war, tyranny and political unrest.
In the “harvest” section Mr. Gonzalez details three aspects of the outcome of the activities of the United States in Latin America. In one instance he details the impact of new voters from the various Latin American countries on elections in terms of local, state and national elections. He goes on to outline the immigration trends from the various branches and the “forces” at work behind immigration trends as a whole. He goes on to address the legacy of Spanish speakers in the United States. As if there were not enough causes of the migration from Latin American, Mr. Gonzalez then traces the history of various economic benefits for corporations in the United States and for the its economy, which were couched in terms of trade agreements. The last of these efforts was the North America Free Trade Agreement, which has brought about untold economic and environmental misery throughout Mexico.
The final chapter was a lesson in the long history of the colonization of Puerto Rico and the consequences of its ambiguous status. One of the best kept secrets revealed by the author is the way in which U.S. benefits from the status of Puerto Rico. Because of its ambiguous status it represents a huge tax haven for U.S. corporations. Billions of dollars were generated for corporate America not only due to the tax break but also because wages there are lower than on the mainland. Furthermore, the restrictions on shipping, trade and the occupation of land by military bases compound the challenges facing Puerto Ricans. Finally, Mr. Gonzalez goes through the various efforts to have Puerto Ricans determine their own political status and the efforts of the U.S. Congress and the FBI to impede that self-determination.
In the book’s epilogue the author sets forth six changes that the United States would need to make to address all of the concerns that the harvest of empire raises. But I will leave those for you to find out when you read his book.
I would like to see how Mr. Gonzalez would update this book. In the nearly 20 years since its publication many new events have taken place which would relate to the contents of this work. In light of the current crisis of Homeland Security, ICE raids, the separation of children from their parents and the political and economic crises in Central America and Mexico, his analysis would be welcomed.
I conclude by taking exception to two points raised in this book. First, in Chapter 10, on page 168 Mr. Gonzalez writes that Latino voters are, “…..refusing to be taken for granted by either the Democratic or Republican parties, or by those who see all politics in the country through the flawed prism of a white-black racial divide.” By saying so, the author ignores the reality of the white supremacist system that is the United States of America. While it may be true that Latino voters are not being taken for granted by the two white supremacist parties, the prism of “a white-black racial divide” is very real. Latino voters would be more likely to make progress in American politics if they were to recognize their shared interests with African Americans. The sad truth is that if they are white-identifying they are more likely to share the racist attitudes which will help them to be perceived as capable and interested in assimilating. This, however, does not obviate the need to see the United States through the prism which it can honestly only be viewed through.
The second point supports my first. In the epilogue, on page 271, the author writes: “Only by changing the nature of the American empire can Latino equality and assimilation become real.” So here is the problem. In a white supremacist society assimilation is the need of the dominant group. It assumes that acceptance by the dominant group is needed and the oppressed (in this case Latinos), by acknowledging that assimilation is the goal, play right into their hands. Instead, in a truly democratic, “melting pot”, society, all citizens, legal residents and potential residents should be valued for their differences, and those differences should be celebrated as beautiful, interesting and unique.
In all, this book is an interesting and well researched book. I found this to be a very rewarding read. I recommend it.