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395 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1969
It is instructive to notice that workers may be aroused to the same kind of fury against their Socialist managers as against any capitalist oppressor. This will not surprise those of us who have been in eastern Europe and caught that aroma of ruling class complacency which the party apparatus exudes whether in Stalinist Russia or Titoist Yugoslavia. The men who devoted their lives to the emancipation of the oppressed are too often and too soon succeeded by men who now take it for granted that they shall have the Cadillacs, the dachas, the more spacious apartments...sometimes it is even the same men...the worker needs the secret ballot, the opposition party, "due process" of law and the free press fully as much under socialism as under capitalism. Otherwise he has merely changed bosses.But Stone also didn't engender warm feelings from devoted anticommunists in America, because he pointed out that McCarthyism was madness, a mirror image of the paranoia that fueled Stalinism's purges and searches without end for "enemies of the people", or "subversives", as we called them here in the U.S.
...the primary skill of any reporter is to break the seal of mistrust with strangers and find common ground. The great misread of 2016 doesn't happen if the bulk of campaign reporters had been as skilled at talking to people from all walks of life as my father. My old man can't stand Donald Trump, but I guarantee that if you put him in a room with a bunch of Trump voters, within ten minutes he'd have them all telling lawyer jokes or betting on who could throw a football through a tire-swing...they might not end up agreeing, but he'd hear what they said, directly, and not from some pollster's study.Matt could easily have been talking about Stone. One of the many things I like about him is that he had his opinions, yeah, but he also went places and listened to people. Over the course of this collection, he travels to Soviet Russia, Poland, East Berlin, West Berlin, the American South during the push for integration, and Castro's Cuba. In each of these places, Stone talks to a broad range of people and tries to find out what they really think. That doesn't mean he had to agree with them or even feel sympathy, but he evidently thought it was valuable, both for himself and his readers, to understand the perspectives of others.
Reactionaries always prefer to see the great convulsions of history as bedtime stories; this is comforting and absolves them of responsibility. Mr. Herbert Hoover, I am sure, still thinks he lost in 1932 because of some "subversive" plot; the apple-sellers on the corners were never really visible to his kind of eye.Did Hillary Clinton see the apple-sellers?
...somehow [Khrushchev's] attack on Stalin has the same crass, crude air as Stalin's own attacks on his own victims. Stalin had a series of scapegoats on whom he blamed the abuses of his regime during his periodic relaxations. His successors act the same way. Their scapegoat was Beria and then Stalin himself. By blaming all the evils of the regime on the dead dictator, they may hope to increase their own popularity. But to blame the evils of Stalinism on Stalin is obviously inadequate...Stalinism was the natural fruit of the whole spirit of the Communist movement. To change it one must do more than hang Stalin in effigy, or defame him in self-serving panic, as Khrushchev is doing.Try to imagine that your country has had a bad leader for a while. I know, it's hard on the imagination. Not nearly as bad as Stalin, but bad nevertheless. Maybe he has died, maybe he has lost an election, or maybe a revolution has forced him into exile in Russia, like ex-Manafort client Victor Yanukovich. You can burn this leader in effigy. You can denounce him in speeches, ban his books (or tweets, or social media pages), ban his party's symbol.
Mr. Kennedy gives every indication of being the greatest master of manipulative politics since FDR...it is a necessary quality, and we must be patient. But in being patient there is no need to shut our eyes to realities. Kennedy...seems to be a rather cautious perhaps even conventional man. He will grow; he reads; he can be reached; he has potentials of sympathy and of vision. But at the outset of his administration the key posts are occupied by much the same types representing much the same forces as under Mr. Eisenhower.A few months later, in a different piece:
I regard the stories about Kennedy's agonizing over the decision to resume testing with jaundiced eye. I do not mean to imply that Kennedy may not have been agonized personally. But no one who has watched this administration can believe that any other decision was likely. It would have been too hard to explain. It would have meant a fight. It would have been too out of character. I do not mean to say that Mr. Kennedy, a clever man with clever advisers, will not find ways to do enough, or seem to do enough, about disarmament to keep the peace people happy too, along with the arms people. But that only means that Mr. Kennedy, in going with the tide, will do it cleverly.For my money, I don't think I've ever read anything from 1961 that was so clearly about Obama. Smart guy, likable, funny, great speaker, we all enjoy his interviews, and in '08 I loved the guy, I really did. But when it came time to dealing with whistleblowers like Edward Snowden, who risked everything to tell the rest of us that our government was spying on us, or the mass murder of civilians abroad through drone warfare, what did he do? He went with the tide, in a clever way.
In the euphoric post-inaugural atmosphere, sober reflection seems sacrilegious. Right and left, there is applause for the inaugural address. How could it please such diverse people? The secret lies both in the new president and in ourselves. The inaugural message had something in it for everybody. At one point it seemed to promise a step up in the cold war, at another an intensified search for peace. At one point there was cheer for those who want greater arms expenditures...but the very next paragraph offered cheer to the advocates of disarmament. Each of us assumes that the proposition with which we disagree was put in as eyewash for our adversaries. So wishful thinking shuts off the inner ear, and it does not register what we do not wish to hear.