Title: Machiavelli: Philosopher of Power (Eminent Lives)
Author: Ross King
Price: Rs 462.39 /-
Format: Kindle Edition
File Size: 547 KB
Print Length: 258 pages
Publisher: HarperCollins e-books; Reprint edition (13 October 2009)
Sold by: Amazon Asia-Pacific Holdings Private Limited
Language: English
There isn’t an uncomplicated way to initiate reviewing a book of this kind. Here stands an author, who tenders unwrapped support to politicians to take and proffer bribes, defraud, swindle, intimidate, and even slay if obligatory. Then again, one would do well to remember that ‘The Prince’ didn't see the light of day until about two centuries after the death of Machiavelli. While the foremost part of when he was alive, very few people even knew about it. Machiavelli, to the best part of the masses was a stunted, scheming politician and a second rate playwright, more than anything else. Again, in all fairness it can be said that Machiavelli left a remarkable authority on the modern age. Princes like Frederick the Great were in effect Machiavellian, although they fervidly disavowed Machiavelli.
Art historian Ross King provides a venerable prologue to the life and struggles of Machiavelli. More than anything, this journalistic foreword proves to the reader that in no scheme of political philosophy the sway of milieu is furthermore apparent than in that of Machiavelli. Niccolò was by no means ceremonial. Arising out of a modest middle-class environment, he served as a diplomat for the Republic of Florence, enjoying restricted eminence as the author of coarse plays. Noverthelss, he was to the core of his heart a true Florentine, a man concerned with practical politics and the art of statecraft. In both of his celebrated works, thus, he deals with a) the rules for the acquisition, expansion and maintenance of power, b) with the causes of rise and fall of States and, c) the means by which statesmen can keep themselves in power. The subject matter of both of his books 'Prince' and 'Discourses' is thus, fundamentally the same -- the promotion of a more scientific statecraft; the art of acquiring power and the craft of retaining it.
King begins his discussion with the young Machiavelli, who at the tender age of 29, in 1498, was put up as the leader of the Second Chancery. This granted him charge of the city's foreign affairs. The modern epoch in political thought was ushered in by two forces at work in Europe in the 15th century - Renaissance and Reformation. In the medieval age, people mused on matters of spirit, deliverance and God. Renaissance made ‘man’ the theme of study instead of God. However, despite the fact that renaissance had made appearance in Italy, Machiavelli's epoch was also called an epoch of "bastards and adventurers." It was a society academically brilliant and artistically ingenious, while at the same time, a casualty to the nastiest political dishonesty and relapse where not only was brutality, sly and assassination the standard method of Government, but might and dexterity were the means to triumph. King shows, how Machiavelli stood his ground until Florence was beguiled by the Medicis, who had been ousted in 1494. Machiavelli personally supervised the conscription and exercise of mercenaries in order to combat the Medicis. His army, if truth be told, was routed. With the patronage and support of the papal militia of Rome, the Medicis proved insuperable. Reclaiming Florence in 1512, they dismissed Machiavelli and may have also subjected him to physical torture.
The reader would do well to remember that George Holland Sabine in his classic work ‘A History of Political Theory’ avows that Machiavelli, in an odd sense is the ‘political theorist of the masterless man’. At the head of the 16th century the monarchist retort had swept the democratic tendencies of the concilior movement. In the Church, the Pope had become absolute, while on the secular side, unlimited monarchy was overriding feudal aristocracy. It was known as ‘the period of the strong man’. Despite this, during this century, Italy was divided into five States -- Naples, Milan, Venice, Florence and the Papal State. Some of these like Venice and Florence were republics and despots ruled others. Internal anarchy was rampant. Machiavelli chose to intriguingly side with the Medicis. King shows the dynamics of the progression through which Machiavelli sucked up to the Medicis. His "The Prince" was dedicated to a Medici.
King states that one of the greatest contributions of Machiavelli lies in the fact that he amalgamated political theory with political practice, following the empirical method of observation and experience. The part that the State has played in modern politics is an index of the clearness with which Machiavelli grasped the drift of political evolution. His political philosophy was realistic, mirroring the conditions of the moment. He was ready to sacrifice the peace and solidarity of humanity at the altar of an efficient national state and as such was one of those who are chiefly responsible for the growth of modern nationalism.
Personally, his life was one of potholed alliances and broken commitments. His gargantuan infidelity was a source of abundant pain to his wife. Machiavelli held the Church to be principally responsible for the putrid state of affairs. He is said to have remarked: "We, Italians, owe to the Church of Rome and to her priests our having become irreligious and bad. The Church has kept and still keeps our country divided." In such times of current and cross currents Machiavelli’s contribution was the most remarkable which gave the Italian nation not only the doctrines of sustenance and predominance but lasted for along time in future political analysis. All the same, King shows that Machiavelli was not free from inconsistencies in his thought. If in accordance with Machiavelli, man is intrinsically selfish, unsocial and inept of doing good, how can he agree to lower his private interests to public interests. Moreover, the need for security (an ample cause for the State coming into existence) would barely give an explanation for its continued subsistence and ever escalating activities.
In fine, King’s non-academic style of narration, underscores the verity that Machiavelli was a true Florentine nationalist with artistic designs for the republic's foreign policy in the voracious pitch of Renaissance Italy. It is an exceedingly comprehensible portrait.
A 4 on 5 I’ld say.