In an engaging and often acerbic study of St Paul, A.N. Wilson, regarding his subject, rather than Jesus, as the founder of what would become Christianity, seeks to reveal what it is the Apostle actually believed, as opposed to what later writers thought he believed, how those beliefs related to the historical and intellectual context, and how, if at all, the spiritual faith engendered by Paul's ideas of resurrection and grace were related to contemporary Judaism and the life and teachings of Jesus. In this endeavour, he is only partially successful, as while his fluent narrative is convincing in its reconstruction of the Apostle's life, his overly literal approach to Paul's thought and the written sources, plus a willingness to turn conjecture into fact, leads him to misrepresent the intention behind the texts and the specific, spiritual meaning of their universal message within their own context.
In the emergence of Christianity, there are clear time periods with their own natures and marked by specific events which determined how the faith came to develop. First, there is the very brief period of Jesus' preaching and teaching up to his death in c.AD 30; then there is the early apostolic age, in which his followers continued his ministry within traditional Judaism, centred upon the Temple in Jerusalem but spreading out to other communities within the Jewish Near Eastern world; next from c.AD 47 to c.64 there is the mission of St Paul, recorded in Acts and in his Epistles, in which the message of Jesus is infused with Greek spirituality and metaphysics within the conception of Christ as Redeemer and spread beyond Jewish communities; and then, after the Roman-Jewish war of 66 to70 and the destruction of Jerusalem and Herod's Temple, there is the era when Jesus' life is written down by the evangelists alongside the Acts and Epistles, and his teaching spread beyond the Diaspora into a recognisable non-Judaic religion that will eventually become codified in the Greek New Testament of the early second century as Christianity. In this latter phase, the Book of Acts will seek to rectify the contradictions between the early Jewish Jesus sect and the Christiological spiritualism of early Christianity, and in which Luke will tailor the oral tradition and the stories of Jesus' life so as to accommodate the radical and transcendental Christ-centred writings of Paul, thereby providing both a seemless narrative between the life of Jesus and the early Christianity of the New Testament, which would provide the theological basis for what was becoming recognised as the institutional Church of a community of believers under accepted historical, dogmatic, and human authority.
It is possible to regard these periods teleologically, as transitional stages on the road that would lead to the Christian Church, but, as Wilson shows, this is ahistorical, not only because the original Jerusalem movement remained firmly within Judaism with no conceptional basis for a non-Jewish religion, let alone a Church, but also because such was not Paul's intention, even though it was the Pauline Epistles which made this possible, once the Jewish foundations had been destroyed, by Luke's reconstruction of Jesus' life and Paul's mission in his two Books. What this suggests is that the story of the historical Jesus recorded in the Gospel of Mark, believed to be the original version from which both Matthew and Luke worked, has been glossed dually by Luke, once so as to try to bring it into accordance with the spiritual, Christiological understanding of Paul, and then again post-Paul and post-destruction of Jerusalem to ensure it accords with the new dispensation unknown to both Jesus and Paul, whereby Jews, particularly including Jewish followers of the Jesus movement, and non-Jews must accommodate themselves to the dominance of Roman law and institutions and the eclipse of the traditional Temple-centred priesthood, while also accepting that the End of Days which Paul believed was imminent, and in the expectation of which he preached and wrote his Epistles, has not come to pass. In effect, Luke, writing after AD 70, had to dehistoricise both Jesus and Paul, and to do so in a way which reconciled the known life and teachings of the messianic preacher with the Christ of Paul, and to do so such that these can be understood by the audience which Luke was addressing, that is a more Romanised, less Judaic, and Greek acculturated extra-Judean readership, who not only sought to follow their faith within Roman law, but who did so in the full knowledge that the eschatological prophesies ofJesus and especially Paul had not happened. And it is in this reimagining of the past and dehistoricisation and the need for the teachings of Jesus and Paul to be in accordance and be relevant for believers living after the time that the early followers of Jesus and Paul had believed should have been the end of time that Luke constructs both his Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles, and from which a Church, an institutional and authoritive necessity in the post-apostolic age, develops, an historical Church which neither Jesus nor Paul had envisioned, nor in their eschatological chronology thought necessary.
Wilson, it follows, is thus wrong to ascribe Christianity's foundation to Paul; rather it was Luke in his works, by seeking reconciliation between doctrinal and historical contradictions, and a continuity between the Judaism of Jesus and his followers, the spiritualism of Paul, and the historical reality of the late first century, who is more the real, if not founder, inspiration for Christianity, that is a religion formed AD 70 to c.100 that binds the Judaism of Jesus with the Greek thought of the New Testament and Paul's Christiology, and which, by recognising the reality of the Roman dispensation, is accommodated to the practicalities of secular power, to which it is sufficiently adaptive not only to become within three centuries the sole faith of the Roman Empire, but also the paradigm by which all European civilisation would develop. This was indeed an historical process, but separate from and postfacto the apostolic age and the early Jesus movement, whose works and thoughts were within an imminent eschatology, to be understood ahistorically, since they were constructed postpriori not to explain the dispensations of the messianic and apostolic ages, but to enunciate what these had come to mean when the evangelists came to write about them in their post-eschatalogical time. And because we have no contemporary proto-Christian historical documents contemporaneous to the pre-AD 70 age, we are forced to use what texts are available in the New Testament, not only reading these historically when they were never intended as such, but also recognising that what we are looking at in the period 4 BC to AD 68 has been filtered through the post AD 70 lens, and in Luke, our primary source, through the vision of Paul, since the most salient fact about the chronology of the writings used to understand Paul and the faith he propounded is that the Gospels and Acts, even if their subject matter circulated earlier in Aramaic and Greek oral histories, were only written down after Paul had written his Epistles, so that Luke's Books can only be understood if read through Paul, who not only provided the theoretical framework, the paradigm of Jesus the Christ, by which these were written, but did so within an ahistorical, eschatological, and presentist vision. Even if Luke was recording what we would regard as historical material, he was not doing so as an historian, and his writings were neither intended as history nor are they suitable for any historicist interpretation, which only our knowledge of late first century Christianity can provide postpriori.
To be fair to Wilson, he constantly iterates that the faith movement he is describing, and of which Paul is a, if not the, leading figure, cannot be regarded as a Church, just as the belief system similarly cannot be described as Christianity, as these terms were later, as we have seen, historical abstractions. However, he still, by the very means of comparing the early Judaic Jesus movement with what was to become the early Christian Church, fails to fully contextualise the events of Paul's life and the thoughts and writings these engendered within the eschatological specificities and prophesies of his time, particularly the years between his conversion and disappearance from the historical record, that is, c.AD 32 to 64/5, while also recognising that we can only observe these events through the equally temporally-specific lens of Luke, writing after AD 70 and the destruction of Jerusalem for a Romanised, non-Judaic dispensation, which did not exist in the apostolic age. If Wilson truly wanted to understand the mind of Paul in his own time, he would have first established the historiographical context within which he would be assessing the materials relating to Paul, and reading these within their eschatological and belief-centred context, rather than conceiving of that mind, as observed from a modern, secular, post-Anglican perspective, not so much as the mind of Paul, but the interpretation of Paul within the mind of Andrew Wilson.
Wilson, as with all writers dealing with such limited biographical and historical materials, must make conjectures, but in seeking to form a continuous framework for the understanding of Paul's mind from often contradictory evidence, he seeks a unity which is not there by suggesting a direct historical link between the Paul of the Epistles and Acts and the Pharasee Saul, by, one, proposing that Paul was a Temple guard at the time of the Crucifixion, and, two, that he therefore had direct personal knowledge of the Jesus condemned and crucified in c.AD 30. However, this supposition contradicts Wilson's later examination of Paul's Christiology, which he regards, as it is, as a spiritual reimagining in faith of the suffering of the crucified man. If Paul had known Jesus, he would have mentioned it, particularly in relation to his conversion, and if he had been involved, even tangentially in the death of Jesus, he could not have conceived of him simply as Christ, but would have instead retained in his writings the messianic, Jewish Jesus. It is not Jesus the man Paul knows, it is the Christ that he becomes through his Passion that he believes in, and in effect, the events of Jesus' life, of which Paul knew nothing first hand before his conversion are irrelevant when compared to the thing that matters most, his suffering on the Cross and Resurrection as the Christ. Paul is converted to the abstracted Christ he envisages, a non-historical, divine being, and not the man Jesus, which is why, firstly he needs to make contact with Jesus' followers after his conversion in order to make corporeal his Christ in the man Jesus as was known to his followers, who lived a human life, and, secondly, why he is resented and even opposed by those who had known Jesus in his lifetime, particularly Peter and James. As to Peter, for the necessities of apostolic continuity and the Petrine commission it was vital that he was believed to have accepted the Pauline Christ he too had once denied, and that Luke through his cleverly crafted narratives would show this, so that the accepted Christ conceptualisation of the late first century would be regarded as having been true not only during the early Judaic apostolate, but also in the lifetime of Jesus, being something theologically true, if historically false, hence the ahistorical nature of Luke and the other New Testament books. The postpriori Christ must become a priori in the Judaic Jesus of the messianic mission and early apostolate, if the teachings of Paul are to be true and the Christ of the Crucifixion understood as both Man and God, two natures, equal in one body, while for a non-Jewish readership after the destruction of Jerusalem it made more sense for Luke to interpret Paul's conversion as from Judaism to belief in Jesus than as within the Judaic-Jesus movement from understanding of Jesus as Messiah to understanding him as the Christ, not only as after AD 70 differences within Judaism no longer had relevance, but also because it allows both the Pauline and Peter/James conceptualisations of Jesus the Man/Jesus the Christ to coexist within the paradigm that Jesus was the Christ, but this was only revealed after his death, a revelation manifested in the conversion of Paul. In effect, the Judaic Jesus movement is reconstructed through the paradigm of early, Greek Christianity and Pauline Christiology, so that the latter are ahistorically determinant of the former.
In addition, the very act of Paul thinking and writing in Greek was not only an act of translation, but by application of a new lexicon to terms which had previously been known only in Aramaic and Hebrew, an act of transcendence. The early Jesus movement had been confined to the Judaic world because it was understood only in the semitic languages of Palestinian Jewry, but the Pauline Epistles, the Gospels, and the other Books of what would become the New Testament were in Greek, giving those terms a Greek meaning, and opening them through the language to the world of Greek thought, so that while the Aramaic oral history of Jesus and his personal followers and the Temple-centred, Hebrew Law they continued to follow even after the Crucifixion were ethnically and spacio-temporally specific, the Greek of the Epistles gave them a universalist meaning beyond the Judaic world. And, although the codified New Testament of the second century can be scoured hermeneutically for some Aramaic Urtext, a chimeric pursuit if ever there is one, none will emerge since the New Testament only became realised as codified written texts, both canonical and apocryphal, once written down, and that, being done in Greek, meant these texts, as much as they related to events in first century Palestine among Aramaic speaking Jews and their Jewish and Hellenised successors, were part of the Greek speaking- and Greek thought-world, making them products of and subject to the metaphysical universe and interpretation that implied. Plato, Aristotle, Epicurus, etc, might not be subjects of the Greek language texts, but it is their ideas and the words they used in description and interpretation which determined how the words of the Evangelists and the Epistle writers must be understood, particularly when it comes to the two works of the highly educated Luke, either a Greek or Hellenised Jew. Early Christianity is as much Greek as Anglicanism is English today, since both can only be made sense of within the context of the languages in which their texts are written and their rituals performed. Paul and Luke did not create the Church, but by writing in Greek, and by Luke reinterpreting the life of Jesus through the prism of Greek thought as applied to the beliefs engendered by Jesus' death in Paul, they created what after the destruction of Jerusalem would become Christianity, as lived under the Roman socio-political dispensation. So, if we are to understand the process by which the Early Church developed, we must recognise the profound transformative effect of not just the writing of the Books of the New Testament in Greek, but that their writers, unlike Jesus and his disciples, thought in Greek within a universalist, metaphysical Greek thought-world, which provides the metaphysical lexicon of the Christiology of Paul, since only Greek thought would permit the cognition of Christ, as a distinctive conception separate from but intimately related to the Jesus the Man of Aramaic-Hebrew oral tradition, a cultural and linguistic tradition within which conception of the Christ was impossible.
Similarly, just as Paul must be understood in terms of his Greek thought-world, so his Epistles must be comprehended within his cosmology, in that, believing that the return of Christ and the End of Days was imminent, he thought and wrote entirely in and for the present. Paul's teachings and letters are not only universalist and directed beyond the spacial confines of first century Judaic Palestine, but also beyond time, since not only for Paul is the past irrelevant, since Resurrection through faith only happens in the present and is an immediate epiphany with God through the intermediate identification with Christ, but any putative future can be ignored since it will never exist. Just as Jesus' message was for his present, the Judaic present which is the completion of the Law in his time by his ministry, so Paul's message is for his universal present. It is this presentism that Wilson fails to fully understand, as while a historical Paul can be constructed by a writer thinking historically, his thinking and writing were intentionally ahistorical, although recorded after AD 70 by Luke in a manner open to historical interpretation, but only in the sense that in his eschatological time Paul's thought must be understood ahistorically, relating events and writings that Paul thought of as existing outside of history, and therefore interpreted only within the specific present in which Paul lived and believed was about to end, not subject to the temporally-specific and teleological dehistoricised dialectical historicism favoured not only by Wilson, but, sadly, by most students of the premodern past, who seek to impose our post-Scientific Revolution and post-Enlightenment conceptions of time upon people who conceived of time differently and had totally different cosmologies. The reason that Biblical texts can appear contradictory, even within Books by the same presumed author, as with Luke, is not just a failure of literalism, but also a failure to understand that they were written in and for the present time in which they were composed, in effect meaning that the Bible is not an historical narrative, but instead a collection of texts with multiple presents intended to be read in the present outside of history, which explains why the events of the Bible can be contradicted by archaeology and historical reasoning , not because they are false, but because they are not intended to be historically true: their meaning is not in their historicity, which only exists to give contextualisation, but in the value to be drawn by the believer in her present. Luke has provided a postfacto historical context for the life of Jesus and the acts of the Apostles because of the need to give events in the past which were temporally specific to their faith-defined present a comprehensible form for readers living after the age about which he writes, an age Paul thought could not be. But, Paul has no such need for historicity, which is why not only his message is universalist, but why its presentism ensures it means what it does today just as much as it did in his own time, and why post-Pauline Christianity has been able to evolve within historical development without Paul's message losing its relevance, adapting to social and intellectual changes, even when man-made institutions are unable. Unlike Orthodox Judaism or Islam, spacio-temporal faith systems based upon particular religious and ethnic experiences, Pauline Christianity is always in the present, as Paul, thinking outside of history and intentionally ahistorically, always writes in the reader's present, and why Christianity as a belief system needs to be approached ahistorically, even though the Church, the Church which develops from the Greek New Testament of early Christianity, can be, as a human institution, understood historically. Paul can be understood historically as a man living in his specific time of the first century, but his thought, the mind which Wilson has made the subject of his book cannot, because the mind of St Paul is always in the present, and must be understood as such. The mind of St Paul lives outside of history.
(Abridged)