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Sorting Out the New South City: Race, Class, and Urban Development in Charlotte, 1875-1975
One of the largest and fastest-growing cities in the South, Charlotte, North Carolina, came of age in the New South decades of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, transforming itself from a rural courthouse village to the trading and financial hub of America's premier textile manufacturing region. In this book, Thomas Hanchett traces the city's spatial evolution over the course of a century, exploring the interplay of national trends and local forces that shaped Charlotte, and, by extension, other New South urban centers.
Hanchett argues that racial and economic segregation are not age-old givens, but products of a decades-long process. Well after the Civil War, Charlotte's whites and blacks, workers and business owners, all lived intermingled in a "salt-and-pepper" pattern. The rise of large manufacturing enterprises in the 1880s and 1890s brought social and political upheaval, however, and the city began to sort out into a "checkerboard" of distinct neighborhoods segregated by both race and class. When urban renewal and other federal funds became available in the mid- twentieth century, local leaders used the money to complete the sorting out process, creating a "sector" pattern in which wealthy whites increasingly lived on one side of town and blacks on the other.
Hanchett argues that racial and economic segregation are not age-old givens, but products of a decades-long process. Well after the Civil War, Charlotte's whites and blacks, workers and business owners, all lived intermingled in a "salt-and-pepper" pattern. The rise of large manufacturing enterprises in the 1880s and 1890s brought social and political upheaval, however, and the city began to sort out into a "checkerboard" of distinct neighborhoods segregated by both race and class. When urban renewal and other federal funds became available in the mid- twentieth century, local leaders used the money to complete the sorting out process, creating a "sector" pattern in which wealthy whites increasingly lived on one side of town and blacks on the other.
404 pages, Paperback
First published August 10, 1998
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Displaying 1 - 17 of 17 reviews
August 25, 2025
No answers on why Charlotte is the worst city to drive through
November 28, 2020
This was helpful to gain a better understanding of how the city of Charlotte developed the way it has, and seemed extremely well-researched, but I felt like for a book with a subheading including race and class, it talked for entire chapters about the rich white men and with a few paragraphs about others in the city. And even in some of the conversations about race, it sometimes seemed to give more grace than naming the intentionality behind policy decisions intended to separate the city along lines of race/class.. The end (essentially the '30s through the '70s) also seemed rushed compared to the rest of the book. It was one chapter compared to the 1875-1930's entire rest of the book.
That being said, all these complaints could just be because this was a more academic book than what I am used to.
That being said, all these complaints could just be because this was a more academic book than what I am used to.
December 16, 2021
“You don’t finish many books, and you finished this one, so it must’ve been good” said my wife. This book is indispensable for understanding Charlotte. Painstakingly well-researched, the notes often launched me onto weeklong boondoggles into the Charlotte Observer archives and other sources. So many places in the Queen City I won’t see the same again; it’s like I see them in four dimensions now.
July 24, 2018
In this terrific book, historian Thomas W. Hatchett uncovers the forces of economic change, local business and governmental choices, and eventually governmental action which created the clearly defined patterns of racially- and economically-defined patterns of residence in modern Charlotte, North Carolina.
Contrary to popular assumptions, Charlotte and other southern cities were not always racially segregated in terms of residence. Instead, in the early years after then Civil War, African Americans and white Charlotte residents, the wealthy and the poor, lived in what Hatchett describes as a "salt and pepper pattern" in Charlotte.
At that point, the city was really confined to a few blocks around the intersection of Trade Street and Tryon Street. Residences and business activity were also not confined to specific sections of the then-small crossroads town. Also, it is interesting to note that Charlotte's 40% African-American population elected black aldermen until 1893, well after the formal end of Reconstruction.
This intermingling of the races in term of residential patterns and the mixture of work and living quarters would break down in the aftermath of the challenge to the social and political dominance of the local white economic elite by the Populist challenges of the 1890s. Less affluent whites, such as those employed by local cotton mills and farmers, and African-Americans shocked the town's white elite by rejecting the political status quo of elite white political dominance.
In response, the local white elite (along with the rest of North Carolina's white elite) sought to disenfranchise African-American voters, and to limit poor white political involvement. Using a racist argument, they were able to succeed in passing laws to disenfranchise black citizens and, with a kicker provision, disenfranchise white North Carolinians who were unable to read within the end of a 7 year period.s
In response, Hatchett argues, wealthier white Charlotte residents, along with city planners (not governmental action) and home building companies began to develop the sort of high income residential enclaves south of Charlotte which any Charlotte resident will be familiar today.
They also used real estate deeds requiring land only be used for a home, with a high price point, and not be owned by or rented to African-Americans. Lower price point residential areas were also developed for lower income whites and also for all African-Americans.
By the 1920s, a residential pattern broken down by race and economic status became very clear.
Later, the Federal government also took part, with federal mortgage loans (among other programs) staring in the Great Depression being largely limited to middle-class to upper-middle class white
prospective borrowers.
Charlotte also moved from a very limited view of local government to a much more active government, using Federal dollars to wipe out many established African-American residential and business areas, as well as building Brookshire Freeway and other locally-known roads.
A very sobering book to say the least. The combination of local elite choices, in private business, individual buying choices, and governmental action, later spurred by Federal laws, led to the pattern of residential and business location patterns that still persist in 2018.
Contrary to popular assumptions, Charlotte and other southern cities were not always racially segregated in terms of residence. Instead, in the early years after then Civil War, African Americans and white Charlotte residents, the wealthy and the poor, lived in what Hatchett describes as a "salt and pepper pattern" in Charlotte.
At that point, the city was really confined to a few blocks around the intersection of Trade Street and Tryon Street. Residences and business activity were also not confined to specific sections of the then-small crossroads town. Also, it is interesting to note that Charlotte's 40% African-American population elected black aldermen until 1893, well after the formal end of Reconstruction.
This intermingling of the races in term of residential patterns and the mixture of work and living quarters would break down in the aftermath of the challenge to the social and political dominance of the local white economic elite by the Populist challenges of the 1890s. Less affluent whites, such as those employed by local cotton mills and farmers, and African-Americans shocked the town's white elite by rejecting the political status quo of elite white political dominance.
In response, the local white elite (along with the rest of North Carolina's white elite) sought to disenfranchise African-American voters, and to limit poor white political involvement. Using a racist argument, they were able to succeed in passing laws to disenfranchise black citizens and, with a kicker provision, disenfranchise white North Carolinians who were unable to read within the end of a 7 year period.s
In response, Hatchett argues, wealthier white Charlotte residents, along with city planners (not governmental action) and home building companies began to develop the sort of high income residential enclaves south of Charlotte which any Charlotte resident will be familiar today.
They also used real estate deeds requiring land only be used for a home, with a high price point, and not be owned by or rented to African-Americans. Lower price point residential areas were also developed for lower income whites and also for all African-Americans.
By the 1920s, a residential pattern broken down by race and economic status became very clear.
Later, the Federal government also took part, with federal mortgage loans (among other programs) staring in the Great Depression being largely limited to middle-class to upper-middle class white
prospective borrowers.
Charlotte also moved from a very limited view of local government to a much more active government, using Federal dollars to wipe out many established African-American residential and business areas, as well as building Brookshire Freeway and other locally-known roads.
A very sobering book to say the least. The combination of local elite choices, in private business, individual buying choices, and governmental action, later spurred by Federal laws, led to the pattern of residential and business location patterns that still persist in 2018.
March 5, 2020
Sorting Out the New South City is a history of Charlotte 1875-1975. The author, Thomas Hanchett, an historian, has traced the development of the structure of Charlotte using a variety of sources. Commerce, politics, class, and race all played a role, but it appears that economics, particularly capitalism, was the driving force in the growth and shape of Charlotte.
June 25, 2023
Today, Charlotte, like many cities, has an affluent side (the east, and especially southeast side of the city) and a poor side (the west side).
The primary purpose of this book is to show that this was not always the case: in the 19th century, rich and poor, black and white, lived next to each other. In the 19th century "walking city", businesses had only a few employees, and it made sense for employer and employee to live near each other or even in the same building.
In the "streetcar era" of the dawn of the 20th century, Charlotte residents began to sort into segregated neighborhoods: some areas were white-collar, others were black, others were blue-collar white. Even before the rise of zoning, restrictive covenants kept rich neighborhoods rich, through provisions such as minimum home prices. However, there were rich and poor neighborhoods on all sides of town. How did neighborhood segregation begin? Hatchett suggests a few possible causes. First, tiny workshops were replaced by large mills that employed hundreds of people. These mills occupied too much land to be located downtown, and it made sense for developers to build blue-collar neighborhoods next to the mills. Second, Hanchett suggests that the rise of working-class populism made white-collar Charlotte residents uncomfortable with working-class neighbors. Third, the rise of racial segregation pushed blacks away from downtown Charlotte. (However, the latter causes seem very South-specific, even though class segregation was a nationwide trend).
In the "automobile era" of the late 20th century, downtown and downtown-adjacent neighborhoods declined, and westside neighborhoods become poorer and blacker. Hanchett suggests that New Deal policies created this status quo: local government used New Deal subsidies to invest in wealthy eastside neighborhoods while building public housing for the poor on the westside, the Federal Housing Administration and other agencies encouraged redlining of older neighborhoods (especially blue-collar and black ones). Highway funds made development easier in suburbia, reducing the appeal of intown neighborhoods even on the east side. City policy aided this trend as well; working-class areas were zoned industrial, thus discouraging housing investment. The city used urban renewal funds to bulldoze low-income areas, making the disfavored parts of town even less desirable.
The primary purpose of this book is to show that this was not always the case: in the 19th century, rich and poor, black and white, lived next to each other. In the 19th century "walking city", businesses had only a few employees, and it made sense for employer and employee to live near each other or even in the same building.
In the "streetcar era" of the dawn of the 20th century, Charlotte residents began to sort into segregated neighborhoods: some areas were white-collar, others were black, others were blue-collar white. Even before the rise of zoning, restrictive covenants kept rich neighborhoods rich, through provisions such as minimum home prices. However, there were rich and poor neighborhoods on all sides of town. How did neighborhood segregation begin? Hatchett suggests a few possible causes. First, tiny workshops were replaced by large mills that employed hundreds of people. These mills occupied too much land to be located downtown, and it made sense for developers to build blue-collar neighborhoods next to the mills. Second, Hanchett suggests that the rise of working-class populism made white-collar Charlotte residents uncomfortable with working-class neighbors. Third, the rise of racial segregation pushed blacks away from downtown Charlotte. (However, the latter causes seem very South-specific, even though class segregation was a nationwide trend).
In the "automobile era" of the late 20th century, downtown and downtown-adjacent neighborhoods declined, and westside neighborhoods become poorer and blacker. Hanchett suggests that New Deal policies created this status quo: local government used New Deal subsidies to invest in wealthy eastside neighborhoods while building public housing for the poor on the westside, the Federal Housing Administration and other agencies encouraged redlining of older neighborhoods (especially blue-collar and black ones). Highway funds made development easier in suburbia, reducing the appeal of intown neighborhoods even on the east side. City policy aided this trend as well; working-class areas were zoned industrial, thus discouraging housing investment. The city used urban renewal funds to bulldoze low-income areas, making the disfavored parts of town even less desirable.
June 26, 2023
This book was a very well researched deep dive into the history of housing segregation in Charlotte. As a native Charlottean, I was surprised to learn that the separate neighborhoods I grew up with were not always like that and didn’t come to be organically. I gave it 4 stars because the section on post-WWII history seemed rushed and the book felt like it ended abruptly. I also wish the maps and visuals were clearer and provided more reference to modern streets so I could place them.
July 9, 2020
This was an amazing book about Charlotte and city development in general. Dr. Hanchett does a great job of breaking down how the city grew and how racial divides were purposefully created. It is not an easy read, but it is a good foundation for seeing how people were really sorted into neighborhoods; specifically how race was used in the sorting.
February 18, 2022
📚A new favorite…
This is a great read for someone who is interested in knowing about how the Queen City came to be and why it remains a place separated by class and color.
Very similar to another favorite of mine - The Color of Law; however, this book is specific to the Charlotte area.
This is a great read for someone who is interested in knowing about how the Queen City came to be and why it remains a place separated by class and color.
Very similar to another favorite of mine - The Color of Law; however, this book is specific to the Charlotte area.
June 16, 2020
read with Chapter 3 book group. It taught me some. I think it would mean more if I grew up in Charlotte and lived in Charlotte proper. I still don't know all the different secitons.
June 12, 2023
I learned a lot about Charlotte’s history and gained insight on how we got to where we are today.
May 3, 2020
A new edition of Hanchett's important work on the formation of Charlotte. An important work for anyone interested in the Queen City's past, present, and future.
Additionally, the footnotes are a trove of resources for those working on projects about Charlotte and Mecklenburg County.
Additionally, the footnotes are a trove of resources for those working on projects about Charlotte and Mecklenburg County.
February 20, 2014
I enjoyed this book and thought it offered a novel perspective on both urban history and the history of the American South after the Civil War.
Hanchett spends a lot of the time in this book debunking commonly held notions about the racial makeup of urban spaces, arguing that southern cities, like Charlotte, didn't always have obvious divisions between races. Initially, they had a fair amount of racial mixing, and then evolved into racial neighborhoods in a patchwork layout. This disproves the idea that racial groups formed rings that pushed each other further out of the city. He also outlines how policies of the Federal government contributed to the eventual racial divide.
Hanchett uses census documents, city registries, photos, maps and newspaper articles to make his points.
He spends a little too much time focusing on housing design, which gets a little tedious in places, and he speeds through the post WWII period rather quickly.
Hanchett spends a lot of the time in this book debunking commonly held notions about the racial makeup of urban spaces, arguing that southern cities, like Charlotte, didn't always have obvious divisions between races. Initially, they had a fair amount of racial mixing, and then evolved into racial neighborhoods in a patchwork layout. This disproves the idea that racial groups formed rings that pushed each other further out of the city. He also outlines how policies of the Federal government contributed to the eventual racial divide.
Hanchett uses census documents, city registries, photos, maps and newspaper articles to make his points.
He spends a little too much time focusing on housing design, which gets a little tedious in places, and he speeds through the post WWII period rather quickly.
July 23, 2009
Fascinating look at the history of Charlotte. Southern historians once believed that segregated neighborhoods sprang into existence immediately after the Civil War. However, most research shows that Blacks and Whites lived among each other up until Jim Crow. This was the case for Charlotte. The book explores various Charlotte neighborhoods from 1875-1975 that include the areas now known as Uptown, the historically African-American neighborhoods of Brooklyn and the suburban Washington Heights, Elizabeth, and Myers Park as well. This book is a great read for anyone who wants the answers to why Charlotte is laid out in the manner that it is and how did "urban development" play a role in shaping the city.
February 15, 2014
Overall, a good community history of Charlotte, and debunks earlier studies as to how the city and neighborhoods within came to be laid out.
Good coverage of how racial segregation came about and was reinforced through both Jim Crow and federal intervention.
I think if you like this, you would really enjoy Upbuilding Black Durham by Leslie Brown, another good community study, but more focused on social development than the urban/planning development side.
Good coverage of how racial segregation came about and was reinforced through both Jim Crow and federal intervention.
I think if you like this, you would really enjoy Upbuilding Black Durham by Leslie Brown, another good community study, but more focused on social development than the urban/planning development side.
July 17, 2014
Must reading for anyone whose lived in the South, especially Charlotte. He gives a great look at the political and social history of the town. I was particularly interested in the significant part that white Charlotte newspapers in the rise of Jim Crow and segregation between 1890 and 1920.
March 30, 2020
Excellent.
Displaying 1 - 17 of 17 reviews