So I kinda have to split my review in two parts. I read the updated 2020 version of this which has a couple hundred extra pages. The original core of the book, covering major labor upsurges from 1877 to the 1970s, is very good. It highlights organizing strategies, tactics, the response to worker movements from the state, and the radicalism of the rank and file. Lots of great information about epic struggles that we aren't taught about in school, or if we are it's usually from the bosses perspective. As a labor history, this is excellent. Brecher chooses which struggles to cover and how to link them together in a very accessible narrative.
However when he gets to his conclusions, the idealism fundamental to his anarchist perspective lead to some bafflingly ineffective recommendations. It is wild to see someone with such a depth of knowledge of labor history look back on the Occupy movement as something effective, rather than an illustration of the bankruptcy of unorganized, consensus based, individualized revolt. It is just a testament to the power of ideology that someone with such a deep historical background can present stories of "and then people organized themselves, with no leadership, and the movement grew!" followed by "after the initial victory, the workers faced blow after blow and were unable to hold onto their gains" and then keep telling readers that they should focus on these unorganized, spontaneous movements to win lasting power. Especially in the added chapters on "mini revolts", we see Brecher over and over again lionize things like the Women's March and "The Resistance", which were so painfully ineffective due to lack of a program and organization that they have become memes for futility. Yet these are what he holds up as examples of the "new forms of organizing" that will replace "old", "failed" strategies like you know, union organizing and political parties, things than have actually won workers real lasting power. Incredible mental gymnastics.
There are many, many valid and important critiques to be made of the major unions and the Left in the US. But Brecher's devotion to spontaneous movements as the only "real" or "pure" workers' struggles is far more ahistorical than any ideology he condemns as passé. We've had centuries of global labor history now and not once has spontaneous, unorganized, leaderless revolt ever succeeded in fundamentally altering the property relations in a society. Continuing to tell people that unions and parties are too "bureaucratic" and only want to co-opt "real" worker action in the year 2020 reveals a profound idealism that is pretty disappointing.