Henry Kissinger and the American Century

by Jeremi Suri

What made Henry Kissinger the kind of diplomat he was? What experiences and influences shaped his worldview and provided the framework for his approach to international relations? Jeremi Suri offers a thought-provoking, interpretive study of one of the most influential and controversial political figures of the twentieth century. Drawing on research in more than six countries in addition to extensive interviews with Kissinger and others, Suri analyzes the sources of Kissinger's ideas and power and explains why he pursued the policies he did. Kissinger's German-Jewish background, fears of democratic weakness, belief in the primacy of the relationship between the United States and Europe, and faith in the indispensable role America plays in the world shaped his career and his foreign policy. Suri shows how Kissinger's early years in Weimar and Nazi Germany, his experiences in the U.S. Army and at Harvard University, and his relationships with powerful patrons--including Nelson Rockefeller and Richard Nixon--shed new light on the policymaker. Kissinger's career was a product of the global changes that made the American Century. He remains influential because his ideas are rooted so deeply in dominant assumptions about the world. In treating Kissinger fairly and critically as a historical figure, without polemical judgments, Suri provides critical context for this important figure. He illuminates the legacies of Kissinger's policies for the United States in the twenty-first century.

Genres: History, Politics, Biography, Nonfiction

368 pages, Hardcover

First published July 1, 2007

Reviews

[Craig Werner · Rating 4 out of 5]

Kissinger was and is and will always be a divisive figure, one who serves as a Rohrsach blot for people's political projections. It's impossible to "balance" an intrinsically unbalanced story, but Suri gives it an impressive shot. Among his major themes are the lasting impact of Kissinger's childhood as a Jewish German who lived through the transition from the Weimar Republic to Hitler, as well as his service in intelligence during World War II, and his entry into the power networks at Harvard. I came out with a deeper understanding of why Kissinger acted as he did, including those moments when he deserves to be called a war criminal. First rate scholarship.

[Jonnie Enloe · Rating 4 out of 5]

When you read Kissinger keep your dictionary handy. He uses words so obscure you may have to use the computer to find them. Almost like a word puzzle for me. This mans mind is like a trap and nothing gets out, ever. He is truly fluent in American english. To the point it is almost to be compared to French in it's efficiency as a language of diplomacy. Kissinger knows this and uses it to it's most dramitic effect in all his writings. Heavy reading but you will come away with a much greater understanding of the snipets we heard on the news while he was in office plus much more.

[Rashid · Rating 3 out of 5]

The writing style is pretty bland, and overly defensive of a war criminal. I wonder sometimes why Suri admires him so much. He's a much more reasonable fellow in-person.

[Jan · Rating 3 out of 5]

Sorry Jeremi but this was more of a pamphlet than a book. Kissinger's personal history was interesting so the book isn't bad.

[George Isaacs · Rating 4 out of 5]

Much to dislike about the man, for me, his distrust of democracy is probably a key component of how the deep state accumulated so much power. His aiding and abetting of human rights abusers in the service of cultivating international relationships and alliances is arguably evil in a number of examples, but based on a practicality I can understand if I step back emotionally from these scenarios, and remember what happens when we do overthrow dictators and the like.
But like the author intended, I've come to a balanced appraisal of his work. Some of that helped greatly by current events, and the foreign policy of the last two decades. I'll admit that Suri's attempt to rationalize Kissinger's feelings of the "weaknesses of Democracy," initially had me reading this book at a side eye angle (meaning with some distrust). However, you can't help but empathize with how a young man growing up in Weimar Germany, and witnessing what he did (rise of Nazi-ism) might come to some uncomfortable conclusions. I'll admit I don't know enough about early 20th century Germany to know how "democratic" it actually was, but I doubt it's comparable to what we have here in the U.S. (even with it's own constitutional limits).
Not for nuthin', but I'm glad to have finished this while he's still alive at the age of 100. When he goes, there'll be a multitude dancing on his grave, figuratively. Not me. I'll miss having competent devils operating behind the scenes over what we have now.

[Richard Lam · Rating 3 out of 5]

As a study to the current world:
Major architect in: current monetary system (deficit spending), petro-dollar, US's hegemony militarily, US as reserve currency, Cold-War coups, nuclear deterrence, myth of Jews rule the world.

As a study to an individual who played the world stage:
Vows to world stability by curbing Communism by using terror-Nazi methods, an iron conviction that the end (global stability) justifies the means (suppression, destruction, impoverishment, exploitation, subjugation or manipulation of ever political and economical opponent of the US). Cold pragmatism but little insight in his human side.

Interesting to see how his world view played out (experienced Nazi-terror in youth), later uses Nazi-terror as a tool for the greater good.

Insights into the stage of world politics, where humanity just becomes numbers and one's worldview becomes hardcore pragmatism.

Still so unsure how to see this person, except as one who took the concept of will to power to the world stage.

Pro's: potentially averting nuclear war. Ultimate pragmatic politics. Desire to unite intellectuals with policy makers. Use power to maintain stability.

Con's: Stability just for the Whities (and maybe the Jews too). Everything and everyone is reduced to utility in his pragmatic worldview.
Overthrowing democratically elected governments and instating Nazi's and/or insane dictators or supporting terrorist groups in: Chile/Argentina/Uruguay/Brazil/Bolivia/Paraguay/Indonesia/Cambodia/Laos/Iran/Pakistan/Turkey/Greece/South Africa/Angola/Mozambique/Namibia a.k.a. screw all the poor coloured people.

Too much complexity to comment sensible.

Link: Brzezinski - Zoltan Pozsar - Petrodollar - Prisoners of Geography - Commanding Heights - Century of War - Noam Chomsky - Supremacy and Oil.

[LaShana Claude · Rating 5 out of 5]

Elliot demanded grand acts of politics that corrected , "the great mistake of liberalism", the assumption "that there was [an] automatic character about the rights of people without an affirmation of values or a dedication to duty.

[Hotavio · Rating 4 out of 5]

Few prominent American figures have the trajectory that Henry Kissenger had in 20th century. Kissenger a German Jew, whose family immigrated to the United States as a result of the Nazification of Germany, was a Cold War thinker, and eventually became Secretary of State for Nixon and Ford. His overtures of reaching out to other world leaders would eventually earn him the Nobel Peace Prize. The rags to riches story makes for an interesting parallel to that of the United States, which was hoisted to global predominance by a war ravaged world. To meet the demands of a newly globalized world, the United States, with Kissinger as one of its “cosmopolitan” leaders, were to have incredible influence in shaping the century. The dual nature of both Kissenger and his adoptive country guiding foreign policy gives Kissenger and the American Century its name.
While Kissenger would be reluctant to place any emphasis on Judaism’s role in the circumstance of his ascension, Suri does not to ignore it. “…this book will demonstrate how the ‘interlocking economic, political, and cultural conditions of Diaspora Jewry’-and various reactions to these conditions-deeply affected his career. Central to Kissenger’s rise from dislocated Jew to the face of 20th century foreign policy are tides of change and the new benefits they provided Jews like Kissenger. This is evident as Kissenger plays a major role in the American occupation of Germany. Kissenger’s Jewish background afforded him trust of the Americans as he swept Nazis from occupied cities. Upon Kissenger’s return to the United States, he found that his background satisfied the demands for cosmopolitanism. This idea is concurrent throughout Henry Kissenger and the American Century as Suri explains the eminence of a new transatlantic world. The idea that the United States was one of the two global superpowers and that it was in the country’s best interest to have a high level of interaction with other countries, specifically the Western European ones, kindred in their Judeo-Christian heritage, made Jews and their understanding of the intricacies of several nations extremely coveted in American government. This notion is thoroughly explained in Suri’s chapter, The Cold War University.
Suri’s respect for his subject is evident, but he is not one to shy away from some of the criticisms of Kissenger. Suri relays that, in examining Kissinger’s legacy, he is predominantly interested in the whys of Kissenger’s policies. While building a narrative, especially in Kissenger’s early years, Suri points out Kissenger’s troubles with democracy. Kissenger seemed embittered by the failures of democracy of Weimer Germany and its inabilities to protect the people from themselves. This, the author argues was the root of Kissenger’s belief in strong leaders with “…Churchillian aspirations to use military force, diplomatic maneuvering, and firm domestic leadership to assure that ‘the malice of the wicked’ was never again ‘reinforced by the weakness of the virtuous’." This belief in strong leadership followed Kissenger in his policies, particularly with the Soviet Union and their Communist allies. While this endeared him to many of the Cold War policy makers, it would be the “cosmopolitan” Kissenger that would endure, as Kissenger became National Security advisor and eventually Secretary of State.
The failures of Viet Nam signaled the limits of unilateralism and Kissenger’s back door diplomacy ushered in a new age of foreign policies. The latter half of Henry Kissenger and the American Century recalls Kissenger’s beliefs in federalism, or the needs for a balance of power amongst a multitude of nations. It is his work with China and the Soviet Union which helped enable a thaw in the Cold War. Kissenger’s belief in working with these nations and others less prominent, with their sometimes unsavory characters, promoted the global stability which formerly seemed impossible at the culmination of a world faced with imminent nuclear war. It is here, in the bulk of Kissenger’s accomplishments, as Secretary of State, that Suri leaves out the details of Kissenger’s story. While this might lead to disappointment for a reader who might be trying to fully understand Kissenger’s contributions (Suri points towards Kisseinger’s memoirs for this information), it keeps Suri from bogging down his summary on America’s morphing global role with Kissenger as its leader.
With the recent fall of Hosni Mubarak, an autocrat propped up by American support, Kissenger, who believed in backing sometimes contemptible politicians for the benefit of overall global security, can only be judged by time. The United States has already felt the disapproval of some with American intervention. Suri closes pointing out the connection to September 11th. With these two hits to Kissenger’s legacy, and in keeping with the title Henry Kissenger and the American Century , it will be interesting to see if Kissenger’s ideas and American predominance are antiquidated or relevant to the 21st century.

[Daniel Hoffman · Rating 4 out of 5]

It’s a pretty good book that brings context to his life and decisions

[Liz Forsberg Cassidy · Rating 3 out of 5]

2.5 ⭐️ rounded up. Dry, academic, and a bit of a slog. This was not the overview of Kissinger I was hoping for, but a biased and repetitive appreciation.

[Reuvenc]

I laughed out loud at the final sentence of Chapter Five.