In the third volume of his monumental comparative survey of the development of mythological motifs, Campbell turns his attention to the emergence of the great Occidental religious traditions beginning in the Near East.
Having examined in previous volumes the religious infrastructure of the newly-emergent agricultural and urbanized Levant, Campbell reviews the emergence of the specialized priestly class. The priests of Sumer turn their attention heavenward to the orderly precession of the celestial cycle.
The new priesthood works to integrate individuals within the larger body of the society by reinforcing and, when necessary, coercing subordination to the collective system of sentiments and social stratifications that allow members of a specialized society to function collectively as individual part of a larger whole.
Campbell views this Near Eastern stratum as the point of departure for the great traditions of the Occident, which are characterized to a large degree by the strategies they employ for reconciling the new dictates of the civitas with the underlying neolithic archaic religious impulse. The older, deeper mythological level comes down through the Near East and spreads west from its origin in the Taurus mountains in Anatolia. The primary images of this tradition are the Great Goddess of the earth, who embodies all things within her creative matrix, and her son/consort, a lunar god associated with the bull, the trident, the serpent, and the moon. His death and resurrection represent the expression through time of the eternal energies of the psyche and the cosmos.
This complex comes down through Sumer and is dispersed along with the arts of civilization (writing, monumental architecture, agriculture, irrigation, astronomy, etc.), where it takes local guise in the form of Dumuzi, Tamuz, Attis, Adonis, Osiris, Dionysus, and Christ. We can trace this diffusion out from the Levant through Egypt and into Central Europe to the West, and through the Harappan civilization in India eastward into China to the East. The latter stream is treated in "Oriental Mythology."
In dialog with this blend of Anatolian and Semitic mythology is the proto-Indo-European tradition, which comes out of the Caucuses and breaks into Persia, India, Greece, and on into Europe. The Greco-Roman world reflects the cultural world of the so-called Aryans, who venerate the forces of nature. Their religious culture is preserved outside the classical world among the Germanii and the Celts.
Again, Campbell sees two strata to the early Classical milieu. The first is an archaic pre-Aryan chthonic form based on death/rebirth cults, and associated with the goddess and the pig. This tradition is preserved in the Demeter/Persephone mystery rites of Eleusis. The second is the later overlay of the properly Aryan images exemplified by the shining sky-god Zeus.
By the fifth century BCE the development of philosophical and scientific attitudes allowed the Greeks to reflect on the world though a rational-empirical lens, and to thereby demythologize history for the first time. We see in high Greek culture the startling emergence of a civilization that emphasizes the individual judgment of the mature citizen, instead of requiring subordination to the worldview of the priestly or kingly caste.
This worldview is carried over into Rome where it wins the field for the bright centuries of the mature Republic, until the descent of Rome into tyranny eventually yokes Roman culture to the vicissitudes of its various emperors. By the time Rome is thoroughly Christianized under Theodosius, its political situation has become untenable and it falls to the relentless pressure of the Gothic invasions coming out of Gaul and Germany.
Returning to the now-thoroughly-Semitic Near East, whose original Sumerian stock has long since been overrun by the desert peoples who created Babylon and Assyria, we see the emergence of a religious paradigm characterized by the complete separation between God-the-creator and the created world. Because the creator-deity is wholly apart from his creation, he cannot be known by the study of the world, as in the classical systems, nor through introspection, as in the Orient.
God's will is only known and affirmed through the proper adherence to the rules of the tribe, which are viewed as the unique repository of divine revelation, herein misconceived as a literal, historical fact. So we have the Jewish ideology of the Old Testament which affirms divine revelation as a historical event and elevates the people of Israel to the sole recipients of divine contact and direction.
This view is passed over largely-unmodified to the religious impulses of Mohammad centuries later, although the field is enlarged within Islam to include the tribe of all believers.
When the Judaic tradition is fused with the aforementioned image of the dying and reborn god with its goddess-consort, and this is combined with an eschatology driven by the social pressures of centuries of political domination, the result is Christianity. Christ passes through several incarnations, first an eschatological minister of the Essene variety, then the deity of Paul, and through the disputations of Pelagius, the Docetists, and the Eastern Orthodox theologians with the Universal Catholic Church, until the Trinitarian dogma of the Nicene council gains supreme eminence in western Europe for a millennium.
Much of the remainder of the book traces through lesser-known offshoots of these main branches and the disputations by which canonical orthodoxies were formed to repudiate alternate interpretive impulses. In the Occident subsequent to the Christianization of Rome, the impulses borne by the Zoroastrian, Neoplatonic, Manichean, and non-Augustinian branches of Christianity were increasingly marginalized. The Christian purge of non-clerical religious ideologies reached a ghastly crescendo in the crusades against the Cathars, and then the Inquisition.
Fortunately the book has a happy ending as in the thirteenth century the Renaissance renewal of the classical value placed on the individual in distinction to the priest master-class begins to re-emerge in allegorical form in the Romance traditions of Arthurian legend. We peak ahead at the close of this great work to the Parzifal legend which venerates experience, love, and virtue above the perfunctory salvation conferred by sacraments.
This is a brief summary of only some of the main threads of this enormously complicated book.
The Masks of God series would make a very poor introduction to the study of comparative mythology, assuming as it does a basic familiarity with a very wide range of cultures and beliefs. What Campbell offers is a diachronic survey of the evolution of these motifs and beliefs, which provides an exceedingly rare and invaluable context for understanding the origin and development of the various positions it examines.
Campbell's knowledge is vast, but this book is now about 50 years old, and naturally there is much that we now know that was unavailable at the time. In my opinion one area of research that very much changes some of the central details of Campbell's account is our vastly-expanded knowledge of the proto-Indo-European cultures. Reconstructive linguistic and archaeological work on the PIEs has given strong evidence that some of the mythological motifs Campbell assigns to diffusion based in the Levant are PIE in origin, and spread before that great wave of migrants assimilated the lessons of urbanized Mesopotamia.
In general, the complex interaction between the PIEs and the Semitic peoples of the Near East is a murky topic in the book, owing to the paucity of the available evidence. Campbell vaguely assigns the primary zone of interaction between his Aryans and the Near Eastern cultures to the Hurrians, but the details are fuzzy. This ambiguity receives insufficient attention, because the details of how and when those two great religious traditions interacted is of central importance to understanding Bronze and Iron Age religious culture. Consider Hesiod's Cosmogony and its profound similarity to the Babylonian "Enuma elish." One needs to be able to account for this interaction between Akkadian literature and pre-classical Greek mythology, or at least to confess one's inability to answer this problem.
Along similar lines, I would have liked to see more attention paied to the emergence in the mid-first millennium BCE, in both Greece and India, of a vital constellation of religious ideas that connect the concept of reincarnation into a wheel of suffering with liberation through direct visionary experience. Campbell gives chronological precedence to the Orient for this belief system, placing the Orphics fairly late and assigning an Indian influence, but his evidence for this is slim, and it does not answer the problem of Pythagoras.
This is surely one of the great unanswered questions of religious studies, for this religious motif assumed priority in India by the time of the yogic traditions and spread from there throughout all of Asia.
This book is a captivating masterpiece, both unique and profoundly informative.